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"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menganalisa peran yang dijalankan urang-urang lapau, sebagai broker politik dalam memenangkan calon anggota legislatif di pemilihan DPRD Kota Pariaman tahun 2014. Pertanyaan penelitian ini adalah bagaimana peran yang dijalankan oleh urang-urang lapau sebagai broker politik dalam memenangkan calon anggota legislatif di pemilihan legislatif. Penelitian ini berpendapat bahwa urang-urang lapau memiliki peran penting dalam menghubungkan calon anggota legislatif dengan masyarakat (pemilih). Untuk menjawab pertanyaan diatas, penelitian ini menggunakan teori broker politik yang berasal dari Auyero, Komito, dan Zarazaga. Selain itu, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan studi kasus, dengan cara mengumpulkan data melalui wawancara mendalam dan analisis data sekunder seperti koran, peraturan, dan media publikasi online. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terdapat empat peran yang dijalankan oleh urang-urang lapau, sebagai broker politik. Pertama, melakukan pemetaan jaringan dukungan politik. Kedua, menyediakan informasi terkait kondisi masyarakat, peluang dan ancaman politik. Ketiga, memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. Keempat, mempropagandakan calon anggota legislatif. Atas jasa yang diberikan urang-urang lapau kepada calon anggota legislatif, mereka mendapatkan imbalan berupa pekerjaan dan uang. Jadi empat peran tersebut yang membantu calon anggota legislatif memenangkan pemilihan legislatif.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis analyzes the role of urang-urang lapau as political brokers in helping legislative candidates to win the seats in 2014 Pariaman legislative election. In particular, this research asks the question of how urang-urang lapau play a role as political brokers in navigating their supported legislative candidates to win the election. This research bassicaly argues that urang-urang lapau plays significant role in mediating legislative candidates and their voters. In order to answer the above question, this research applies the theories of political brokerage as proposed by Auyero, Komito, and Zarazaga. In addition, this thesis employs qualitative and case study method and gathers the data through in-depth interviews and analyses of secondary data such as newspapers, regulations, and media online publication. This research finds that urang-urang lapau play their brokerage roles in four accounts. First, they portray networks of political support. Second, they provide information concerning societal conditions, political opportunities and threats. Third, they provide services to the society. Fourth, they act as hired propagandist for candidates. In exchange of the services by urang-urang lapau to legislative candidates, they receive benefits such as jobs and money. Those are four roles that help legislative candidates won the election."

"ABSTRAKPartai Buruh Inggris pada masa pemerintahan Gordon Brown mengalami faksionalisme. Faksionalisme yang terjadi tersebut berdampak pada berkurangnya legitimasi Brown sebagai perdana menteri maupun sebagai pemimpin Partai Buruh. Kelompok yang menentang kepemimpinan Brown melakukan kritik terkait dengan berbagai kebijakan yang diprakarsai oleh Brown. Seperti kebijakan mengenai Great Recession, Employment Bill, Energy Bill, RUU Kontra Terorisme dan mengenai izin menetap veteran Gurkha. Faksi yang menolak kepemimpinan Brown melakukan berbagai cara untuk dapat melakukan kritik terhadap Brown. Seperti melakukan backbench revolt, pengunduran diri kabinet dan, menyatakan ketidaksukaan di media massa terkait dengan kebijakan yang diambil oleh Brown. Penelitian ini akan berfokus mengenai faksionalisme yang terjadi pada masa kepemimpinan Brown. Peneliti akan mengkaji mengapa terdapat faksi yang menentang kepemimpinan Brown, hal-hal apa saja yang mendukung terjadinya faksionalisme, serta peneliti juga akan mengkaji bagaimana respon Brown terkait dengan faksionalisme pada Partai Buruh.

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ABSTRACTBritish Labor Party at Gordon Brown Governmental period undergo Factionalism. Factionalism had an impact on lessening the legitimation of Gordon Brown either as the Prime Minister or leader of Labor Party. The opposing group criticized the policy who were made by Brown. Such as, the Great Recession Issue, Employment Bill, Energy Bill, Counter Terrorism Bill and Gurkha settlement. Faction who oppose the Brown leadership, did everything to criticized Brown. Such as, Backbench revolt, resigning fromthe cabinet and stated their dislike in mass media related to Browns policies. Thisresearch will focus on factionalism that happened on Browns leadership. Researcher will review why those faction oppose Browns leadership, and what things that support theoccurrence of factionalism and how Brown responded to the factionalism on Labor Party."

"ABSTRAKNama : Muh Shujahri AMProgram Studi : Ilmu PolitikJudul Tesis : Konflik Pemerintah Daerah dan Kelompok Adat; Studi Kasus Peraturan Penataan Lembaga Adat dan Kebudayaan Daerah LAD Kabupaten Gowa Tahun 2016Pembimbing : Dr. phil. Panji Anugrah Permana S.IP., M.Si Tesis ini membahas konflik politik antara pemerintah daerah Kabupaten Gowa yang diwakili oleh Bupati Adnan Yasin Limpo dengan keluarga Kerajaan Gowa oleh Andi Maddusila pasca ditetapkannya Perda Penataan Lembaga Adat dan Kebudayaan Daerah Kabupaten Gowa pada tahun 2016. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif.Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa konflik terjadi karena Perda LAD mempengaruhi jejaring kekuasaan kelompok kerajaan Gowa yakni perubahan akses properti pihak Kerajaan Gowa seperti istana Balla Lompoa dan lahan adat serta menciptakan perubahan jejaring struktur kerajaan dengan munculnya struktur lembaga adat baru. Penulis menyimpulkan Perda ini merupakan babak akhir dari konflik-konflik antara klan Limpo dan klan Andi Madusila. Lewat Perda LAD jejaring kekuasaan yang menjaga kekuatan Andi Maddusila selama kurun waktu tujuh belas tahun terputus. Dengan tidak adanya akses kekuasaan kerajaan di pihak Andi Maddusila maka sulit bagi kelompok Andi Maddusila untuk mengkonsolidasi kekuatan keluarga kerajaan Gowa. Kata Kunci:Konflik politik, elit politik lokal, Perda LAD, Kabupaten Gowa

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ABSTRACTName Muh Shujahri AMStudy Program Ilmu PolitikTitle Konflik Pemerintah Daerah dan Kelompok Adat Studi Kasus Peraturan Penataan Lembaga Adat dan Kebudayaan Daerah LAD Kabupaten Gowa Tahun 2016Pembimbing Dr. phil. Panji Anugrah Permana S.IP., M.Si This thesis discusses the political conflict between Gowa district government represented by Gowa Regent Adnan Yasin Limpo with family of Gowa Kingdom by Andi Maddusila after the stipulation of Regional Regulation of Customary Institution and Culture of Gowa Regency in 2016.This research is qualitative research. This study finds the conflict that occurs because the LAD law affects the power network of Gowa royal groups like the changing of gowa royal kingdomg property access such as Balla Lompoa 39 s palace and customary land. Perda LAD also affects Andi Maddusila power organization by create new customary organization structures. The authors conclude that this is the final battle of the conflicts between the Limpo clan and the Andi Madusila clan. Through the LAD Regulation Andi Maddusila 39 s power network that keep his power for seventeen years lost. In the absence of power access on the part of Andi Maddusila it is difficult for the Andi Maddusila group to consolidate the power of the Gowa royal family. Key Word Political Conflict, local political elite, Perda LAD, Gowa Regency."

"Skripsi ini membahas hubungan politik antara Bupati Bogor terpilih periode 2018-2023 Ade Munawaroh Yasin dengan ulama Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) Kabupaten Bogor yang terafiliasi di bawah Nahdatul Ulama (NU). Dimana, ulama NU Bogor ramai-ramai mendeklarasikan dukungan politik terhadap Ade Yasin dalam Pemilihan Bupati Bogor tahun 2018. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan desain deskriptif. Hasil penelitian mengemukakan bahwa adanya klientelisme iteratif berbasis hubungan afektif dan hubungan pertukaran material yang terjadi diantara keduanya. Hubungan ini sudah dibangun sejak lama oleh Keluarga Yasin, khususnya oleh sang ayah KH. Muhammad Yasin dan kakaknya Rahmat Yasin. Saran dari penelitian ini merekomendasikan penelitian lanjutan di daerah lain di Indonesia. Mengingat, NU merupakan organisasi masyarakat terbesar di Indonesia dan sudah mengakar dalam dinamika politik nasional maupun lokal.

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This thesis discuss of political relationship between the elected Bogor Regent for 2018-2023 period, Ade munawaroh yasin to Nahdatul Ulama (NU) that affiliated with MUI of Bogor Regency. There's, many NU Ulama’s Support towards Ade Yasin in 2018 Bogor Regent Election, Rachmat Yasin who was the regent of the previous period. This is a qualitative research with descriptive design. The results of this study, has found that there is an iterative clientelism based on affective and material exchange relations that occur between them both. this relationship has been built for a long time by Yasin family, especially by his father KH. Muhammad Yasin and her brother Rahmat Yasin. the suggestions of this study is recommend a further research in other regions of Indonesia. considering, NU is the largest Mass Organization in Indonesia and has taken root in the dynamics of national and local politics."

"ABSTRAKStudi ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan pencalonan tunggal dalam kasus mundurnya calon penantang di kabupaten Timor Tengah Utara (TTU). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode eksplorasi kualitatif dan teori arena dari Neil Fligstein dan McAdam. Studi ini menyatakan bahwa pencalonan tunggal di pilkada TTU 2015 diakibatkan oleh struktur arena dan tindakan strategis aktor. Mundurnya penantang potensial didorong oleh adanya perbedaan sumber daya dan keterampilan politik yang relevan dan efektif untuk mobilisasi elektoral. Tidak hanya itu, penantang menarik diri karena merasakan kompetisi yang sangat rentan memicu konflik dan kekerasan. Hal itu karena menguatnya politisasi identitas yang sangat sensitif dan berpotensi memicu kekerasan antar pendukung. Penjelasan ini berbeda dari sejumlah kasus serupa seperti di Blitar (Sobari, 2017), Pati dan Jayapura (Lay et al. 2017). Perbedaan utamanya ada pada konteks arena kontestasi, jenis sumber daya yang penting bagi aktor, dan jalur menuju pencalonan tunggal. Perspektif ekonomi politik (oligarki lokal) dan politik kartel seperti di Pati dan konsep kepemimpinan ideal yang populer di Blitar, bukan penjelasan yang tepat untuk kasus ini. Penantang potensial tidak mengalami kendala dalam hal pendanaan, rekam jejak dan popularitas. Penantang bahkan mendapatkan dukungan mayoritas dari partai-partai politik yang ada. Namun mereka tidak siap melanjutkan kompetisi yang berat dan berpotensi konflik. Penantang meragukan kredibilitas institusi pemilihan dan keamanan. Mereka meyakini kompetisi tidak dapat berjalan secara bebas, adil dan damai setelah melihat petahana menggunakan cara-cara yang tidak demokratis untuk memobilisasi pemilih secara luas. Kondisi itu mendorong mereka untuk mundur agar pemilihan itu di tunda sehingga peluang mereka bisa menjadi lebih baik.

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ABSTRACT

This study aims to explain the sole candidacy in the case of the withdrawal of the prospective opponent in North Central Timor district (TTU). It focuses on answering the main question of why this case could happen. The research, which uses a qualitative exploratory method and the arena theory of Neil Fligstein and McAdam, states that the sole candidacy in North Central Timor district (TTU) election was caused by the arena stucture and the actors strategic action.The withdrawal of the potential opponent was caused by the the differences in political skill and in effective and relevant resources to mobilize voters. Besides, the opponent felt that the competition was likely to trigger conflict and violence as the most sentitive identity politization got stronger and could trigger violence between supporters. The explanation differs from a number of similar cases in Blitar (Sobari, 2017), Pati and Jayapura (Lay et al. 2017). The main differences are on the context of competition arena, the type of important resources for the actor and the path or procedure leading to the sole candidacy. The political economy perspective (local oligarchy) in Pati and the concept of ideal leadership in Blitar are not at all the appropriate explanation for this. The opponent did not have any problem in terms of fund, track record, and populariy. They even got support from most political parties in that district but they were not ready to continue the competition which was heavy and that could cause conflict. They doubted the credibility of security and election institutions. Having seen the opponent using non-democratic ways in mobilizing voters massively, they were sure that the competition would not be freely, fairly and peacefully done. This condition made them withdraw in order that the election could be delayed and would in turn give them a better opportunity."

"ABSTRACTPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pengaruh pelembagaan partai politik dalam kerangka otonomi khusus sebagai sarana resolusi konflik separatisme. Otonomi khusus merupakan pembagian kekuasaan yang diserahkan oleh pemerintah pusat atau pemerintah negara induk kepada wilayah konflik separatisme. Dalam otonomi khusus terdapat kebijakan khusus atau hanya diperuntukkan bagi wilayah yang bersengketa. Salah satunya yaitu kebijakan partai politik lokal. Aceh dan Mindanao memiliki persamaan dan perbedaan dalam konteks konflik separatisme dan resolusi konflik. Persamaan utama yaitu terdapat kelompok pemberontak yang menginginkan kemerdekaan di kedua wilayah, perbedaan utama yaitu resolusi konflik yang gagal di Mindanao sedangkan berhasil di Aceh dengan indikator berhentinya konflik separatisme. Argumen utama penulis dalam penelitian ini adalah partai politik lokal sebagai sarana resolusi konflik yang menjadi faktor berakhirnya konflik separatisme di Aceh antara GAM dan GoI namun tidak berhenti di Mindanao antara MNLF/MILF dan GRP. Kegagalan di Mindanao ini berdasarkan indikator masih berlanjutnya konflik setelah perjanjian perdamaian Tripoli pada tahun 1976 antara MNLF dan GRP. Berlanjutnya konflik tersebut menyebabkan munculnya kelompok pemberontak lain seperti MILF, BIFF, dan Abu Sayyaf Group. Permasalahan ini kemudian membawa penulis kepada argumen kedua yaitu dengan terdapat sentralisasi kelompok pemberontak, maka memudahkan proses perdamaian konflik separatisme. Selanjutnya penulis juga menemukan bahwa konflik separatisme tidak mencapai resolusi, jika kesepakatan otonomi khusus tidak mengatur partai politik lokal, karena kekuasaan yang diserahkan terpusat pada pemimpin kelompok pemberontak. Penulis melakukan analisis menggunakan teori yang dikembangkan oleh De Zeeuw (2009), yang menjelaskan empat aktor atau lembaga yang berperan dalam pelembagaan partai politik lokal, yaitu; aktor internasional, kelompok separatis atau pemberontak elit politik dan elit domestik. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif eksplanatif dengan komparasi menggunakan metode process tracing untuk membangun kesimpulan penelitian.

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ABSTRACTThis study aims to analyze the impact of institutionalizing political parties within the framework of special autonomy as a medium of conflict separatism resolution. Special autonomy is the division of power that is surrendered by the central government or the parent state government to the territory of separatist conflict. In special autonomy there is a special policy or policy that only intended for the disputing region. One of them is the policy of local political parties. Aceh and Mindanao have similarities and differences in the context of separatist conflict and conflict resolution. The main equation is that there are rebel groups fighting for independence in the two regions, the main difference is the resolution conflict in Mindanao unsuccessful while succeed in Aceh with the cessation of the separatist conflict indicator. The main argument in this study is, local political parties as a medium of conflict resolution is a factor in the successful on ended the separatist conflict in Aceh between GAM and GoI but does not cease the conflict in Mindanao between MNLF / MILF and GRP. This failure in Mindanao is based on the indicator that the conflict continues after the Tripoli peace agreement in 1976 between MNLF and GRP. The continuation of the conflict led to the emergence of other rebel groups such as the MILF, BIFF, and the Abu Sayyaf Group. This problem then brings the writer to the second argument, namely by centralizing the rebel group, thus ease the peace process of separatist conflict. Furthermore, the authors also found that separatist conflicts did not reach a resolution, if the special autonomy agreement did not regulate local political parties, because the power handed over was centered on the leaders of the rebel group. The author conducts an analysis using a theory developed by De Zeeuw (2009), which describes four actors or institutions that play a role in institutionalizing local political parties, namely; international actors, separatist groups or rebels of political elites and domestic elites. This research is qualitative explanatory by comparison using process tracing method to construct research conclusions."

"Skripsi ini merupakan penelitian yang ditujukan untuk menggambarkan proses pembentukan rezim otoriter Mahinda Rajapaksa pasca kemenangan Pemerintah Sri Lanka atas LTTE di tahun 2009. Permasalahan dalam skripsi ini adalah bagaimana pembentukan rezim authoritarian developmentalism Mahinda Rajapaksa pasca kemenangan pemerintah Sri Lanka atas LTTE. Penelitian ini adalah deskriptif yang menggunakan metode kualitatif. Teori authoritarian developmentalism (Kenichi Ohno) dan nasionalisme serta hegemoni mayoritas (Jack Snyder) menjadi kerangka yang digunakan untuk menganalisis proses pembentukan rezim otoriter tersebut. Penelitian ini mengidentifikasi bahwa terdapat faktor endogen yang mendorong pembentukan rezim otoriter Mahinda Rajapaksa tersebut yaitu kepemimpinan kepemimpinan Rajapaksa yang kuat, pembangunan sebagai tujuan, ideologi, nasional, elit teknokrat yang merancang dan mengeksekusi kebijakan, dan pembangunan ekonomi yang menjadi sumber legitimasi. Terdapat pula faktor eksogen yang meliputi faktor sejarah perang sipil dan konsekuensinya dan faktor ideologi nasionalis Buddha Sinhala.

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This thesis describes the establishment of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s authoritarian regime after the victory of Government of Sri Lanka over Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2009. Problem studied in this thesis is how Mahinda Rajapaksa’s authoritarian developmentalism regime established after the victory of Government of Sri Lanka over LTTE. This research is a descriptive research using qualitative methods. Theory of authoritarian developmentalism (Kenichi Ohno) and nationalism and majority hegemony (Jack Snyder) becomes the framework to analyze the process. This thesis identifies that there are endogenous factors that promotes the establishment of the authoritarian developmentalism regime which consists of Rajapaksa’s strong leadership, development as National goal, obsession, and ideology, elite technocrat group to support the leader in designing and executing policies, and economic development that becomes the source of legitimacy. There are also exogenous factors which consists of civil war history and its consequences and the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist ideology."

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini hendak mengetahui perkembangan bosisme lokal diIndonesia pada era desentralisasi. Penelitian akan terfokus pada kemunculanMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai bos lokal serta penguatan jaringanyang ia lakukan. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatanwawancara mendalam, observasi dan pengumpulan dokumen. Teori yangdigunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori mengenai orang kuat lokal, teorimengenai bossisme lokal, teori dinasti politik dan teori mengenai hubunganpatron-klien.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemunculan Muhammad Andi AliBaal Masdar sebagai bos lokal dimulai sejak ia menduduki jabatan bupati. Selainitu, melemahnya kontrol DPRD Polewali Mandar turut mempermudahlangkahnya untuk menjadi bos lokal. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdarmelakukan money politics atau political buying untuk mempertahankankekuasaannya. Kekuatan politik Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar didukungPartai Golkar dan Partai Gerindra di Polewali Mandar. Ia juga merangkulkalangan agamawan, jurnalis/pers lokal, jaringan birokrasi, hingga parapengusaha lokal dalam memperkuat kekuasaannya. Status kebangsawananMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar menjadi modal sosial di tengah masyarakatMandar yang bersifat patrimodial, hal ini semakin meperkuat eksistensinyasebagai bos lokal di Polewali Mandar. Selain itu, Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar juga mempunyai modal ekonomi yang kuat, ia di kenal sebagai keluargayang kaya raya dan kontrol terhadap sumber-sumber ekonomi berupa proyekpemerintah.Implikasi teori memperlihatkan bahwa kekuasaan Muhammad Andi AliBaal Masdar tidak sepenuhnya memenuhi kriteria yang dimaksud dalam teorilocal strongmen atau local bossism. Salah satu kriteria yang tidak terpenuhi ialahpenggunaan kekerasan, intimidasi terhadap lawan politiknya. Akan tetapi, hal initidak mengugurkan keberadaan Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar sebagai boslokal karena kekuasaan yang dimiliki sudah membentuk dinasti polit;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism inIndonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emergeof Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening ofthe the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative methodwith deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theoryused in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theoryconcerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerningpatronge-client.The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar RegionalRepresentative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying todefense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power wassupported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He alsoembraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, untillocal businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of MuhammadAndi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community whichhaving patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos inPolewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had astrong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and hasa control on economical resources such as government projects.The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory orlocal bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance ofMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed hadestablished a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,bureaucration, and businessman.;This research seek to understand the development of local bosism inIndonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emergeof Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening ofthe the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative methodwith deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theoryused in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theoryconcerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerningpatronge-client.The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar RegionalRepresentative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying todefense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar?s political power wassupported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He alsoembraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, untillocal businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of MuhammadAndi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community whichhaving patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos inPolewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had astrong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and hasa control on economical resources such as government projects.The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory orlocal bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance ofMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed hadestablished a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,bureaucration, and businessman., This research seek to understand the development of local bosism inIndonesia during the decentralization era. The research will focus on the emergeof Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss as well as his strengthening ofthe the network he conducted. This research was applying qualitative methodwith deep interview approach, observation and documents collecting. The Theoryused in this research was a theory concerning local strong person, theoryconcerning local bossism, political dynasty theory and theory concerningpatronge-client.The research result shows that the arising of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar as local boss began since he was appointed as Head of Regency (Bupati).Beside that, the weakening of control on Polewali Mandar RegionalRepresentative (DPRD) contributed facilitating his steps to become a local bos.Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar conducted money politics or political buying todefense his power. Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar’s political power wassupported by Golkar Party and Gerindra Party in Polewali Mandar. He alsoembraced religious prominent, journalists/local pers, bureaucrat network, untillocal businessman in strengthening his power. The nobility status of MuhammadAndi Ali Baal Masdar became a social capital among Mandar community whichhaving patrimodial nature, this strengthened his existeance as local bos inPolewali Mandar. Beside that, Muhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar also had astrong economical capital, he was prominent as a rich and welthy family and hasa control on economical resources such as government projects.The theory implication shows that the power of Muhammad Andi Ali BaalMasdar did not meet the criteria mentioned in the teori local strongmen theory orlocal bossism. One of the criteria which did not met was the using of strength,intimidation to the opposite politicians. But, this did not vanishing the existance ofMuhammad Andi Ali Baal Masdar as local boss since the power he owed hadestablished a political dynasty supporting by three elements politicians,bureaucration, and businessman.]"

" ABSTRAK Penelitian ini berfokus pada analisa terhadap usulan pembentukan Provinsi Tapanuli Protap tahun 2002-2009. Pertanyaan utama yang diangkat adalah mengapa usulan pembentukan Protap dari tahun 2002-2009 tidak dapat terwujud. Pertanyaan tersebut dielaborasi melalui metode penelitian kualitatif dan disajikan dalam ekplanasi analitis. Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka analisis koalisi vertikal dengan melihat aktor yang hadir dalam relasi institusional, sosial, dan personal. Dalam studi Kimura, koalisi vertikal menjadi penentu keberhasilan usulan pembentukan DOB. Namun, dalam penelitian ini usulan pembentukan Protap tidak terwujud walaupun koalisi vertikal berhasil terbentuk. Hal ini disebabkan oleh munculnya kompetisi elit sebagai intervening variable. Munculnya kompetisi elit tersebut dipicu oleh beberapa faktor, seperti kompetisi lokasi ibukota, kompetisi teritorial antara Pemerintah Provinsi Sumut dan Panitia Pembentukan Provinsi Tapanuli, kompetisi partai politik, kompetisi untuk kursi gubernur, dan kompetisi media massa. Kompetisi elit ini yang kemudian menyebabkan koalisi vertikal tidak dapat bekerja dalam mendukung terwujudnya Protap dan sekaligus menjadi jawaban atas pertanyaan utama dalam penelitian ini.

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ABSTRACT This study focuses on the analysis of the proliferation proposal of Tapanuli Province in 2002 2009. The main question is why the proliferation proposal of the Tapanuli Province in 2002 2009 cannot be realized. The question is elaborated through qualitative research methods and presented in an analytical explanation. This study uses the analytical framework of vertical coalition to see the actors present in the institutional, social, and personal relations. In Kimura rsquo s study, vertical coalitions determines the success of a new autonomous region proliferation proposal. This study shows that the proliferation proposal of Tapanuli Province fails to materialize despite the formation of a vertical coalition. This is due to the emergence of elite competition as an intervening variable. The emergence of the elite competition was triggered by several factors, such as the competition about the location of the capital city, territorial competition between North Sumatera Government and the Tapanuli Province Proliferation Committee, political party competition, the competition for the governorship seat, and the competition between mass media. The existence of elite competition hampers vertical coalition to support the realization Tapanuli Province, and such is also the answer to the main question of this study."