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"Since antiquity, representation (henceforth: RPT) has been a fundamental concept in aesthetics and semiotics. It has also been a crucial concept in political theory, forming the basics of representational theories of sovereignty, legislative authority and relations of individuals to the state (Lenthriccia, 1990, 11-13).In contemporary theories of RPT, both definitions have intersected. Relationship between language & politics is crucial to much contemporary works on RPT. Recent criticism also focuses on the links between texts and power. All RPTs have, either explicitly or implicitly, a political content. (Childers, 1995: 260-261).RPT has also been an issue of importance for post colonialists and feminists. RPT is an area of contestation between the dominant and the dominated (Ascroft, 1995: 85-87). Hall (1990: 222-237) problematises the concept and relates it to (cultural) identity and speaking position. According to Hall. (cultural) identity is a process, always constituted within RPT, which in turn, produced from a particular speaking position-a particular time and place. van Toorn (1995:1-12) distinguishes two kinds of speaking-position, those are fixed unitary-speaking position and postmodern speaking-position.RPT is a relevant issue in a multicultural and a settlers' community like Australia. The fact that Australia has over a hundred ethnic groups as its population and that since 1973, multiculturalism has been launched to manage migrants' population, does not automatically increase the participation of non-Anglo-Celtic (women) immigrants in political, economic or even in social and cultural arenas. Non-Anglo-Celtic women (henceforth: NAC women) immigrants are still doubly-marginalized. They are invisible and hardly represented in the dominant Anglo-Celtic discourse. They are marginalized in the dominant women's anthologies or also in their own ethnic's (male's) anthologies. When represented, they are -represented stereotypically as the Other, problem, victim or as a threat. And yet, they had contributed quite significantly in the development of (public) services and in manufacturing industry. They also have their own share in promoting Australia as a multicultural society through their cuisine, costume, dancing and other cultural artifacts.However, since the 1970s, the situation has changed gradually with the increasing quantity and quality of multicultural women writers articulating their own (migrant) experiences. In this study, I use the term 'multicultural women-texts' for all kinds of cultural expressions produce} by the NAC women. those are writers or cultural producers coming from outside British, Irish and indigenous backgrounds. The term `multicultural texts' has more positive connotation than migrants' atau ethnic (minority) writings. The term 'ethnic' or 'migrant' is problematic as it has always been associated with socio-historical writings which has no cultural capital and thus, classified as popular or marginal writings. Sneja Gunew is highly critical and suggests that the term should be deconstructed. Therefore, this study uses the term 'multicultural women-texts'.This study on "the politics of representations in multicultural women's discourse in Australia" is therefore based on the following reasons: (i) study about RPT has not iniated in Indonesia and yet, it is an important topic which has gained currency in Australia, (ii) the study on gender and ethnicity is relevant for our national context as Indonesia is multi-ethnic and is still in the process of developing gender-awareness across sectors.The questions formulated in my study are: (i) how are the stereotipic-RPTs on NAG women immigrants constructed through the dominant texts, popular novel They're a Weird Mob (henceforth:TWM), images from Immigrants in Focus (henceforth: IMF) and from For Love or Money (henceforth:FLM), Pauline Hanson's Maiden Speech(henceforth: PI-I) and through the multicultural women-texts, confession Give Me Strength(henceforth: GMS) and film Silver-City (henceforth: SC), (ii) how both experimental and transgressive multicultural women-texts Oh Lucky Country (henceforth:OLC) and Red Roses (henceforth: RR) re-construct alternative RPT which in turn, interrogate the previous stereotypic RPT of NAC women immigrants, constructed through the above six texts.Therefore, the purposes of the study are (i) to identify and to formulate the stereotypic RPTs of NAC women immigrants through the dominant Anglo-Celtic texts, TWM, IMF, FLM, PH and through multicultural women-texts, GMS and SC, (ii) to elaborate how transgressive multicultural women-texts, OLC and RR deconstruct the stereotipic RPT of NAC women and thus, re-construct the alternative RPTof an independent, assertive and sexually-liberated persona in OLC and of a feminin and cosmopolitan persona in RR.The fact that multicultural women-texts is still considered as marginal and the fact that this study uses different kinds of cultural products-popular novel, parliamentary speech, images, confession, film and highly experimental novels, it inevitably makes Cultural Studies (henceforth: CS) as the most-appropriate approach. Because (I) CS does not distinguish high culture from low culture, (ii) CS has developed interests in marginal groups; women, ethnic-minorities, black and so forth (During:1994, 2-20), which fits in with the topic of the study, (iii) CS regards all texts or discourses as politically and ideologically, rather than aesthetically, positioned (Storey, 1996:2) and hence, it would be instrumental for exposing the hegemonic practices of the Anglo-Celtic, discourse and consequently, for empowering the multicultural women-texts.Assuming that there are stereotipic RPT on NAC women immigrants, this study is designed as the following:(i) to identify and formulate the stereotipic RPT of NAC women through the dominant texts-TWM, Pt-I, IF - from which they are excluded and not represented and through FLM, in which they are represented as the Other, problem and victim. In short, they are either, silenced or represented stereotipically as a collective, anonimous, unskilled, domestic and proved to be victimised, in the dominant texts. Multicultural women-texts, GMS and SC, give them voices to `speak up' in the first-person account about their own migrant-experience. ironically both texts (re) represent NAC women immigrants as the Other, problem, victim and threat of their own (ethnic) patriarchy.The NAC women are represented as being doublymarginalisedlopressed. They are opressed by their own patriarchy which position them as as dependent (mother, wife, daughter, fiancee) and caught up in the domestic-sphere (cooking, washing, sewing, chlild-rearing). They are also represented as controlled and conditioned by the institutions of womanhood (virginity, respectability, innocence), marriage and motherhood (reproduction, child-birth, child-rearing).At the workplace, they are marginalized and work as domestic, seamstress, factory-worker, dress-maker, hairdresser. They are proned to be victimized and sexually abused as occurred to the leading character in SC. However, the NAC women in GMS and SC is finally represented as gaining material-success and stepping up the social-ladder and therefore, they express their gratitude?s for having migrated to Australia. The NAC woman in SC is even represented as having adopted the Australian :".'ay. In short, both texts reinforce the dominant Anglo-Celtic discourse.(ii) to deconstruct the stereotypic RPT and to re-construct the alternative RPT of the NAC women immigrants in both experimental and transgressive multicultural women-texts, OLC dan RR. This study uses two perspectives from CS- gender and ethnicity- to address the problems of stereotypic RPT and to empower the multicultural women-texts.To deconstruct the stereotypic RPT and to re-construct the alternative RPT, this study uses the intersection between feminists' discourse on the body and sexual politics and the discourse on loving ethnicity, adapted from bell hooks' loving blackness (1992: 2-20) to polities the private issues- womanhood, virginity, marriage, motherhood including the `myth' about the passivity of female sexuality-in the public sphere in order to deconstruct the male-chauvinistic Anglo-Celtic discourse and to reconstruct the NAG women in OLC as an independent, assertive, radical, sexually-liberated persona. The NAC women are not domesticated but represented as leading a public life and rejecting the concept of womanhood, virginity, marriage and motherhood.To deconstruct the stereotipic RPT in the previous texts and to reconstruct an alternative RPT on NAC women in RR, this study uses the feminists' discourse on female desire (Coward, 1984). This study examines how RR deconstructs the RPTs of NAC women as the Other, problem, victim, threat or as the authentic ethnic other (TWM, PH, 1F, FLM, GMS, SC) and also as a radical and sexually-liberated persona (OLC) in order to reconstruct the NAG woman subject as a feminin and cosmopolitan persona.Using female desire, this study analyses that the NAC woman subject in RR uses consumer culture to sustain themselves- with cosmetics, perfume, fashion, food, exercises and other consumer-products of lifestyles-and to reconstruct a multiple identities- as a pilot, doctor, cabaret-singer, ballerina and so forth. The NAC woman moves in both private and public spheres and celebrates `womanhood', 'motherhood', cooking, fashion and other activities previously condemned by feminists. The NAC woman subject is also not caught up in conflict with the dominant Anglo-Celtics.Summarizing the findings, this study identifies a couple of points to be raised. First, RPT is an important concept which could be politised for controlling/marginalizing or for empowering the represented object. Second, NAC women experiences are diverse, not unified. Third. 'gender and ethnicity' are instrumental for dismantling both the Angle and non-Anglo-celtic patriarchy and hence, for promoting the diversity of women-experiences.This study on gender and ethnicity is relevant for our national context as Indonesia is a multi-ethnic society which is in the process of developing gender-awareness across the board. Double-marginalization faced by the NAC women in Australia is parallel with the othering of ethnic-minority women in Indonesia from Arab, Chinese, Indo-Dutch descents and others). The mass rape of Indonesian-Chinese women in May 1998 and the sexual violence suffered by Acehnese women are all double-oppression against these ethnic-minority women.Monitoring the current public debate on gender (perspective) in our national context, this study wants to share perceptions and conclusion. First, difference amongst women's constituencies is as important as difference between women and men. It is a primary challenge for Indonesian feminists to manage and to capitalize on the diversity of its constituencies so as not to repeat the hegemonic practices of Western feminism and patriarchy which had homogenized or eliminated the Other. Second, RPT of Indonesian women (and its constituencies) are important to be empowered. Intervention should be made to reconstruct a new alternative RPT of Indonesian women. However, it is crucial to have media with gender-awareness to promote the new empowering RPT of Indonesian women."

"ABSTRAKDisertasi ini membahas tentang Gerakan Sosial Baru di Porsea, Toba Samosir, dengan studi kasus Gerakan Perlawanan Rakyat terhadap Indorayon (1983-2000). Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk: 1) menjelaskan faktor-faktor penyebab munculnya gerakan-gerakan perlawanan rakyat Porsea, Toba Samosir, dan sekitarnya, terhadap Indorayon; 2) mengkaji dimensi politik di balik proses terbentuk dan berkembangnya gerakan sosial baru tersebut, serta kaitannya dengan isu-isu tentang keadilan, kesetaraan, hak asasi manusia, lingkungan hidup, dan demokratisasi; 3) mengidentifikasi corak perlawanan dan pola hubungan yang terjalin di antara gerakan-gerakan perlawanan tersebut. Adapun pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: 1) faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan munculnya gerakan-gerakan penolakan rakyat di Porsea, Toba Samosir, terhadap Indorayon dan pola hubungan di antara gerakan-gerakan itu; 2) faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan gigihnya perlawanan mereka terhadap Indorayon; 3) kekuatan yang mereka andalkan dalam rangka perjuangan melawan Indorayon dan corak perlawanan yang mereka lakukan.Penelitian ini dilandasi dengan konsep ethnic politics dan teori gerakan sosial baru. Metode penelitiannya menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan studi kasus, sedangkan pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi literatur dan wawancara mendalam terhadap beberapa narasumber yang terkait dengan gerakan perlawanan rakyat terhadap Indorayon. Hasil penelitian cenderung menunjukkan bahwa gerakan perlawanan rakyat terhadap Indorayon ini bisa digolongkan sebagai gerakan sosial baru, karena beberapa alasan: 1) gerakan ini tidak dilandasi dengan isu tunggal dan tidak semata bertujuan pencapaian keadilan ekonomi; 2) gerakan ini tidak mengandalkan jumlah massa sebagai kekuatannya, melainkan pada kelompok-kelompok warga maupun organisasi nonpemerintah yang berjejaring kian lama kian meluas; 3) gerakan ini bersifat terorganisir dan berorientasi perubahan tatanan sosial yang menyeluruh demi terwujudnya pola baru; 4) gerakan ini berdimensi politik, yang merupakan ekspresi atlas protes terhadap keadaan-keadaan sosial yang tidak adil dan bertujuan meniadakan dominasi; 5) gerakan ini juga dapat dilihat sebagai unsur utama dalam proses memperkuat civil society di masa mendatang, khususnya di Toba Samosir. Namun, kesimpulan studi ini ternyata memodifikasi teori-teori gerakan sosial baru sebagaimana yang diajukan para ahli. Sebab, jika para ahli mengatakan bahwa keanggotaan gerakan sosial baru bersifat terbuka tanpa hiraukan latar belakang kelas sosial, etnisitas, politik, maupun agama, temuan-temuan studi ini justru menunjukkan bahwa ikatan kekerabatan dan ikatan kampung halaman di antara mayoritas anggota gerakan ini (yakni Orang Batak) telah berfungsi sebagai "energi" untuk menghimpun dan mempersatukan mereka. Jadi, dalam konteks ini, gerakan sosial baru justru "memanfaatkan" etnisitas Orang Batak demi menumbuhkan spirit perjuangan mereka.

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ABSTRACT

This study is an attempt to analyze the New Social Movement in Porsea, Toba Samosir, with People Resistance Movement to Indorayon (period 1983-2000) as a case study. The goals of this study are: 1) to explain the factors caused the emerging of people resistance movement in Porsea, Toba Samosir, to Indorayon; 2) to analyze the political dimension behind the process of building and developing of the new social movement, and its relation with the issues about fairness, equality, human rights, ecosystem, and democratization; 3) to identify the shape of resistance and the model of relationship connected between those resistance movement. The problems of this study are: 1) factors caused the emerging of the people resistance movement in Porsea, Toba Samosir, to Indorayon and the model of relationship between the people movement; 2) factors caused the militancy of their resistance to Indorayon; 3) the power used by people in context of their struggle against Indorayon and the shape of their resistance.

This study based on the concept of ethnic politics and theory of new social movement. This study uses qualitative approach and case study as a research method. Various resources collected data for this study. First, relied on some literatures or documentary information, which are relevant to this study. Second, the field research relied on in-depth interviews with people who involved in people resistance movement to Indorayon. The result of this study tends to show that people resistance movement to Indorayon could be classified as new social movement, because of these reasons: 1) the movement not based on single issue and not only to gain economically fairness; 2) the movement not based on mass power, but they based on people groups and non-government organizations who connected to the others (either people groups and non governments organizations) timely wider; 3) the movement was organized and oriented to the changing of social order as a whole; 4) the movement has a political dimension, as the expression of their protest to the unfair social situations and has a goal to against domination; 5) the movement also could be seen as a main element in the process of strengthening civil society in the future, specially in Toba Samosir. But, the conclusion of this study modified the theories of new social movement accorded by scholars. If the scholars said that the members of new social movement are inclusive (they didn't account on the background of social classes, ethnics, politics, and religions), but in the context of this study, such of background is just accounted, specially the solidarity of extended families and genealogy between the majority of the movement (Orang Batak), who functioned as "energy" to unite them. So, in this study, new social movement "used" the ethnicity of Orang Batak to grow the spirit of their struggle."

"Since antiquity, representation (henceforth: RPT) has been a fundamental concept in aesthetics and semiotics. It has also been a crucial concept in political theory, forming the basics of representational theories of sovereignity, legislative authority and relations of individuals to the state (Lenthriccia. 1990, 11-13). In contemporary theories of RPT, both definitions have intersected. Relationship between language & politics is crucial to much contemporary works on RPT. Recent criticism also focuses on the links between texts and power. All RPTs have, either explicitly or implicitly, a political content. (Childers, 1995: 260-261). RPT has also been an issue of importance for postcolonialists and feminists. RPT is an area of contestation between the dominant and the dominated (Ascroft, 1995: 85-87). Hall (1990: 222-237) problematises the concept and relates it to (cultural) identity and speaking position. According to Hall, (cultural) identity is a process, always constituted within RPT, which in turn. produced from a particular speaking position_a particular time and place. van .Toorn (1995:1-12) distinguihes two kinds of speaking-position, those are fixed unitary-speaking position and postmodern speaking-position.RPT is a relevant issue in a multicultural and a settlers' community like Australia. The fact that Australia has over a hundred ethnic groups as its population and that since 1973, multiculturalism has been launched to manage migrants' population, does not automatically increase the participation of non-Anglo-Celtic (women) immigrants in political, economic or even in social and cultural arenas. Non-Anglo-Celtic women (henceforth: NAC women) immigrants are still doubly-marginalised. They are invisible and hardly represented in the dominant Anglo-Celtic discourse. They are marginalised in the dominant women's anthologies or also in their own ethnic's (male's) anthologies. When represented, they are represented stereotipically as the Other, problem, victim or as a threat. And yet, they had contributed quite siginificantly in the development of (public) services and in manufacturing industry. They also have their own share in promoting Australia as a multicultural society through their cuisine, costume, dancing and other cultural artefacts. However, since the 1970s, the situation has changed gradually with the increasing quantity and quality of multicultural women writers articulating their own (migrant) experiences. In this study, I use the term 'multicultural women-texts' for all kinds of cultural expressions produced by the NAC women. those are writers or cultural producers coming from outside British."

"ABSTRAKTujuan disertasi untuk melakukan kategorisasi kelas sosial dan analisis mobilitas sosial. Kategorisasi kelas menggunakan model socio-economic index dari Duncan dan class categories dari Goldthorpe. Mobilitas sosial dianalisis dengan mobilitas absolut, relatif, dan faktor-faktor yang berpengaruh pada mobilitas naik. Konsep yang digunakan adalah kelas, kategorisasi kelas, dan mobilitas sosial. Metode penelitian berupa data sekunder IFLS dan wawancara mendalam. Temuan mobilitas absolut berupa kecenderungan kesamaan kelas responden dengan orang tua. Mobilitas kelas teratas dan terendah sangat terbatas, sedangkan pada empat kelas lainnya terjadi peluang mobilitas naik. Hasil mobilitas relatif menunjukkan rendahnya kecairan sosial. Faktor jender, usia dan pendidikan berpengaruh pada mobilitas naik.

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ABSTRACT

The dissertation purposes are to construct categorization of social class and analysis of social mobility. Class categorization uses Duncan?s socio-economic index and Goldthorpe?s class categories models. Social mobility is analyzed by absolute- and relative mobility, and factors affecting upward mobility. Concepts of class, class categorization, and social mobility are utilized in the study. Research methods used are secondary data of IFLS and in-depth interview. The findings include a tendency for social class similarity between respondents and parents, a limited chance of mobility among the highest and lowest classes, and an upward mobility in other classes. The data also indicates low level of social fluidity. Gender, age and education are factors that affect upward mobility."

"ABSTRAKDisertasi ini merupakan karya tulis hasil penelitian Sejarah Diplomasi mahasiswa S3 Program Studi Ilmu Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya Universitas Indonesia. Masalah yang menjadi materi penelitian adalah peristiwa perundingan Indonesia-Belanda pada tahun 1946-1947. Delegasi Belanda terdiri dari Prof.Ir.W.Sehermerhorn, F.de Boer dan M.TM.van Poll. Delegasi Indonesia terdiri dari Perdana Menteri Sutan Sjahrir, Mr Mohamad Roem, Mr Soesanto Tirto Prodjo dan dr A.K.Gani. Perundingan ini khususnya yang berlangsung di Linggajati Kuningan Jawa Barat., yang kemudian berhasil menemukan dokumen persetujuan yang diparaf pada 15 November 1946 dan ditanda tangani pada 25 Maret 1947 amatlah penting.Karena merupakan tonggak awal persetujuan dalam rangka proses dekolonisasi di Indonesia. Jalannya perundingan tidaklah mulus karena perbedaan sudut pandang Indonesia dan Belanda soal Negara Indonesia Serikat dan rencana kerja sama Indonesia-Belanda pasca dekolonisasi, khususnya yang menyangkut UNI Indonesia-Belanda serta perwakilan RI di luar negeri pada periode masa peralihan. Meskipun pihak Inggris yang bertindak sebagai penengah telah berusaha sejauh mungkin agar perundingan sukses, kedua delegasi yang berunding, mengalami hambatan pada beberapa pasal-pasal tertentu. Akhirnya atas campur tangan, kebijakan dan keputusan yang diambil Soekarno-Hatta lah perundingan bisa selesai. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk membuktikan hal tersebut dengan berbagai alasannya.

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ABSTRACT

This dissertation is a documentation of research about diplomacy history by a doctoral degree student in history study program, in the Faculty of Cultural Sciences, University of Indonesia. The main issue of the research was th event of an agreement between Indonesia and Netherland in Indonesia which happened in the 1946-1947. Indonesian delegation consisted of Premier Sutan Sjahrir, Mr Mohamad Roem, Mr Soesanto Tirtoprodjo and dr A.K.Ga.ni. And Dutch delegation consisted of Prof.Ir W.Schermerhorn, F.de Boer and M.TM.van Poll. This negotiation especially the one at Linggajati Kuningan West Java, which was succeed, produced an agreement document which initialed at November 15?h 1946 and signed at March 2501 1947.

This event is very important because it was the beginning of an agreement in the process of the decolonization in Indonesia. That negotiation was not running so smooth because there was different points of view between Indonesia and Netherlands about the Issue of United Indonesian Republic and about the cooperation plan between Indonesia and Netherland after the decolonization, especially about the UNI Indonesia-Netherland and about the Indonesia Republic international representative, at the transition periode. Althouyn the British as a mediator already try to help to make it a success, both of delegacies found obstacles at some sections of the agreement document. Finally Soekarno-Hatta made an important role in helping them out by making good decisions and policy. This research was intended to prove the importance of that role and to find the evidence about that theory."

"Penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk melakukan analisis kritis terhadap proses produksi teks berita di ruang berita tiga stasiun televisi: RCTI, SCTV dan Indosiar dalam konteks menjelang berakhirnya pemerintahan Soeharto bulan Mei 1998. Pada periode tersebut terdapat suatu perubahan di dalam proses produksi berita yang tampak jelas pada perubahan teks berita di tiga stasiun televisi tersebut. Dari yang semula menjaga jarak dengan mahasiswa dan gerakan reformasi menjadi mendukung gerakan reformasi dan mahasiswa, khususnya setelah tragedi Trisakti, 12 Mei 1998. News room tidak lagi sebuah"black box" yang steril, karena ada kepentingan bisnis dan politik, yang menentukan berita yang diungkap oleh sebuah ruang pemberitaan stasiun televisi (Murdock and Golding: 1974, Graham: 1990, MC.Chesney: 1992, Gandy Jr: 1992, serta Fuller: 1996). Kegiatan membuat berita menurut Tuchman (1978) telah menjadi kegiatan mengkonstruksi realitas ketimbang menggambarkan sebuah realitas. Ketika melakukan kegiatan mengkonstruksi realitas itu terjadi banyak konflik kepentingan khususnya dengan kalangan industri di luar media. Paling besar adalah dari "Publisher" (Warren Breed:1955) dan pemilik modal (Mc Quail: 2002). Dengan gambaran seperti itu, pada akhirnya jurnalis sekarang ini harus bekerja dalam dua tekanan yang saling bertentangan antara idealisme dan bisnis. Pada konteks media di Indonesia, berbagai literatur menunjukkan situasinya lebih sulit karena terdapat praktek-praktek hegemoni yang sejak awal didesain oleh penguasa yang dalam beberapa situasi mengalahkan kepentingan-kepentingan pasar. Diantaranya monopoli kertas koran, monopoli pemberian izin televisi swasta untuk kepentingan politik dan ekonomi sepihak. (Dhakidae: 1991, Romano:1999, Hill:2000, Kitley: 2000) Penghapusan iklan di TVRI tahun 1981 adalah contoh lain yang jelas mengedepankan kontrol terhadap televisi daripada kepentingan pasar. Langkah pemerintahan Presiden Soeharto untuk memperkuat hegemoni di media khususnya televisi menimbulkan gerakan-gerakan kontra hegemoni yang terasa didalam ruang berita tiga stasiun televisi swasta yang diteliti. Berdasarkan pemaparan hal tersebut diatas, penelitian ini selanjutnya akan menitik beratkan pada upaya penggarnbaran bagaimana sesungguhnya bentuk wacana media menjelang Presiden Soeharto mengundurkan diri terutama dikaitkan dengan proses produksi berita dan tarik menarik kepentingan dari berbagai pihak yang mempengaruhi sistim kerja di pemberitaan. Pendekatan yang dilakukan dalam penefitian ini adalah ekonomi politik kritikal seperti dikembangkan oleh Graham dan Murdock (1992). Pendekatan ekonomi politik kritikal mempunyai beberapa sikap dasar, yakni : (1) holistik, (2) historikal (3) Peduli terhadap perimbangan antara enterprise kapitalis dengan intervensi publik, (4) Terikat pada permasalahan keadilan, kesetaraan dan "public good". TUJUAN PENELITIAN. Penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk mengindentifikasi faktor-faktor "socio cultural" Indonesia yang mempengaruhi proses pendirian televisi di Indonesia, mengindentifikasi proses produksi dan konsumsi wacana media di tiga stasiun televisi swasta: RCT1, SCTV dan Indosiar, membongkar nilai ideologi yang melekat dalam wacana media berita pada proses legitimasi dan de-legitimasi Presiden Soeharto. KERANGKA PEMIKIRAN Penelitian ini menggunakan perspektif teori kritis dengan pertimbangan perspektif ini bisa lebih dalam membongkar permasalahan yang terjadi di "news room" dengan cara: (1) memahami pengalaman langsung dari orang yang terlibat secara langsung dalam masalah yang diteliti; (2) berusaha untuk menyelidiki kondisi-kondisi sosial untuk mengungkap peraturan yang merugikan yang biasanya tidak tampak dan tersembunyi dibalik peristiwa sehari-hari; (3) senantiasa melakukan upaya untuk memadukan teori dan tindakan. METEDOLOGI PENELITIAN Sebagai konsekwensi dari penggunaan perspektif kritis, metedologi penelitian yang akan dilakukan juga akan menggunakan paradigma kritis yang terdapat dalam dimensi ontologis, epistimologis, aksiologis dan metedologis. Selanjutnya dengan metode penelitian kualitatif akan diteliti tiga subyek satuan analisis yaitu: (1) struktur ekonomi politik Indonesia; (2) organisasi perusahaan televisi swasta; (3) teks berita televisi. HASIL PENELITIAN Penelitian ini menghasilkan beberapa temuan penelitian diantaranya: (1) proses hegemoni media televisi di Indonesia telah dimulai sejak didirikannya TVRI tahun 1962 dengan menempatkan TVRI dibawah Yayasan yang langsung dimpimpin oleh Presiden Sukarno. Dibawah pemerintahan Presiden Soeharto, hegemoni televisi dilakukan dengan memberikan hak pendirian televisi swasta hanya kepada keluarga dan orang-orang terdekatnya.; (2) proses penguatan hegemoni ini menimbulkan gerakan kontra hegemoni yang didalam ruang berita diwakili oleh para jurnalis yang berfikiran idealis; (3) Perlawanan terhadap hegemoni pemerintah yang dilakukan oleh para jurnalis menempatkan mereka pada posisi "spoiler" dan "supporter? pada situasi dan kurun waktu yang berbeda; (4) penelitian ini menemukan paling tidak ada enam belas titik waktu sejarah yang menunjukkan terjadinya tarik menarik antara jurnalis dengan pemilik yang terlihat pada proses produksi maupun konsumsi berita; (5) proses tarik menarik ini yang menunjukkan meningkat dan menurunnya kekuatan agen dan struktur sangat dipengaruhi oleh situasi pada tatanan makro (socio cultural) yang melingkupi media televisi yang bersangkutan; (6) kontestasi antara pemilik dan jurnalis mencapai puncaknya setelah terjadi tragedi Trisakti 12 Mei 1998 yang ditunjukkan dalam berbagai kegiatan yang berlangsung di ruang berita RCTI, SCTV dan Indosiar sampai dengan 21 Mei 1998 ketika saat jatuhnya kekuasan Presiden Soeharto; (7) dalam tataran teks khususnya setelah 12 Mei 1998, pertarungan kepentingan muncul dalam beberapa issue yang dikembangkan antara lain issue demoktratisasi, HAM, KKN, kerusuhan dan demonstrasi mahasiswa. KESIMPULAN DAN IMPLIKASI TEORITIS Peluang para jurnalis untuk mempengaruhi proses produksi sehingga terjadi perubahan isi teks terjadi pada suatu konteks historis yang spesifik yang berawal pada krisis moneter tahun 1997 dan mencapai puncaknya pada tragedi Trisakti 12 Mei 1998. Setelah berakhirnya hegemoni terhadap media oleh penguasa Orde Baru, ancaman hegemoni terhadap media beralih ke tarik menarik kepentingan pasar yang ditimbulkan oleh semangat "neoliberalisme" dan kapitalisme global (dari "state regulation" ke "market regulation") maka itu diperlukan perbaikan "rules and resources" antara lain melalui sebuah lembaga "arbitrase" yang independen. Diperlukan juga suatu perangkat kode etik yang dapat menghidarkan terjadinya ketidakadilan yang diakibatkan oleh tarik menarik kepentingan idealisme dan bisnis. Memperkuat basis para jurnalis dengan peningkatan pengetahuan (knowledge is power) sehingga sadar akan upaya-upaya membangun "false consciousness"."

"Studi ini hendak menelaah tentang wacana nasionalisme Indonesia; bagaimana ia dikonstruksikan oleh Orde Baru dengan rezim kekuasaan dan pengetahuan yang dimilikinya, sekaligus juga hendak dilihat juga bagaimana masyarakat lokal merespons wacana tersebut dengan membangun wacana tandingan (counter discourse). Secara teoritis-sosiologis, studi ini hendak melihat beberapa teori tentang nasionalisme yang dikembangkan oleh para ahli sosiologi. Konteksnya adalah bahwa serangkaian konstruksi wacana tersebut dijalankan di dalam suatu situasi dimana ideologi-ideologi besar (salah satunya nasionalisme) sedang menyurut pengaruhnya seiring dengan proses modernisasi yang sedang menapakkan diri sementara pada saat yang sama globalisasi sedang mengancam eksistensi negara kebangsaan. Terjadinya pedebatan di kalangan para penggagas teori nasionalisme, cukup memberikan satu wawasan tentang bagaimana seharusnya nasionalisme diletakkan dalam belantara sosiologi. Ernest Gellner (1998) misalnya, menempatkan nasionalisme sebagai situasi yang tak terelakkan dari transformasi peradaban manusia dari zaman pra-modern ke era modern. Dan untuk itu, nasionalisme tidak membutuhkan segala atribut yang berkaitan dengan masa lalu suatu bangsa. Pandangan Gellner tersebut dikritik oleh Anthony Smith (1998), karena pada hakekatnya untuk tumbuh dan berkembang dalam suatu bangsa, nasionalisme membutuhkan akar-akar budaya etnik yang diatributkan sebagai warisan masa lalu. Studi ini memberi catatan bahwa, baik Gellner maupun Smith mengidap kelemahan mendasar, yaitu melihat nasionalisme sebagai sesuatu entitas yang eksis dan 'benar' di dalam dirinya sendiri. Keduanya melupakan bahwa 'nasionalisme' pada hakikatnya adalah konstruksi sosial, yang tidak bebas nilai, yang di dalamnya ada relasi-relasi kekuasaan yang sangat menentukan eksistensinya. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan Michel Foucault tentang 'genealogi' dan 'power/knowledge' maka akan tampak betapa gagasan mengenai nasionalisme Indonesia dipenuhi oleh relasi kekuasaan-pengetahuan. Akhirnya studi ini mencatat; teori Gellner tentang nasionalisme tidak bisa banyak menjelaskan secara komprehensif mengenai makna nasionalisme Indonesia. Dalam hal ini teori Smith lebih relevan. Meski demikian, dengan konsep 'genealogi' dan 'power/knowledge' Foucault-lah makna nasionalisme bisa lebih dipahami dan dijelaskan.

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This study is a reading of Indonesian nationalism; on how the New Order regime had constructed through its systemic power relation and knowledge management and how civil society members did some counter discourses. Sociologically, focus of this study is on the contestation between major ideology (including nationalism) and modernization and globalization which challenge the existence of nation-state.

Discussions on nationalism in sociology have been established by many social scientists and find its relevance nowadays. Ernest Gellner (1998) put nationalism as a consequence of civilization progress, a transformation from pre-modern era to modern situation, thus nationalism does not need attributes that rooted in the history (past) of its nation. Anthony Smith does not agree with this theory as Smith believes that the growth and dynamic of nationalism is associated with ethnic sentiments that rooted in the origin of a nation.

This study noted that either Gellner or Smith's theory have elementary weakness because both of them put nationalism as natural entity and exist in itself. Indeed nationalism is socially constructed which no free values within. Power relation influences its construction and growth, and how the society response to it. Through Michel Foucault's theory of 'genealogy' and 'power/knowledge' we can see that such nationalism ideas, include Indonesian nationalism, contained by power/knowledge relations.

The study found Indonesian nationalism is a part of modernization process and rooted in the ethnic sentiments as well as a product of power relation that socially construct. The 'genealogy' and 'power/knowledge' of Michel Foucault's was proven able to comprehend the dynamic of Indonesian nationalism better than Gellner and Smith's explanation on nationalism."