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"Skripsi ini bertujuan untuk membahas mengenai keberadaan budaya popular dalam hal ini adalah Korean Wave sebagai bagian dalam diplomasi Publik Korea. Pembahasan mengenai topik ini dibatasi dalam periode 2005-2010, dimana tahun 2005 ini menjadi awal dari digunakannya Korean Wave sebagai bagian dalam aktivitas diplomasi publik Korea. Pembahasan mengenai diplomasi publik melalui Korean Wave ini dibagi dalam dua aktivitas Korea, yaitu dalam bidang pariwisata dan program pertukaran dengan negara-negara lain. Penelitian dalam skripsi ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan penjabaran secara deskriptif melalui penjabaran mengenai program-program yang dilaksanakan Korea dalam bidang pariwisata dan program pertukaran tersebut. Melalui analisa data-data aktivitas diplomasi dan signifikansi aktivitas diplomasi tersebut, penulis mendapat beberapa temuan mengenai peran Korean Wave dalam diplomasi publik Korea, yaitu meningkatkan citra Korea, Menarik minat kedatangan masyarakat asing, mendorong kemajuan bidang-bidang lain dari Korea, dan mendorong terjalinnya kerjasama antara Korea dengan negara-negara lainnya. Beberapa peran tersebut dapat tercapai dikarenakan tiga faktor yang ditemukan penulis sangat dominan dalam Korean Wave, yaitu komitmen pemerintah, kepopuleran dari Korean Wave itu sendiri, dan faktor informasi.

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This research aims to explain about the existence of popular culture, in this case is Korean Wave as part of Korean public diplomacy. The explanation of this topic is will be limited in 2005-2010, which in 2005 was the beginning of Korean Wave as part of public diplomacy of Korea. The explanation of this public diplomacy through the Korean Wave is divided in two activities, tourism and exchange program with other countries. This research used qualitative research metods with descriptive explanation about the public diplomacys program that implemented in the field of tourism and Korean Exchange program.

Through analysis of the data on the activity of diplomacy and the significance of the diplomacy activity, the author concludes that?s there are some roles that played by the Korean Wave in Korean public diplomacy, such as improving image of Korea, Attracting the arrival of foreign people to come to Korea, encourage the progress of other parts of Korea, and encourage the cooperation between Korea and the other country. Some of these roles can be achieved due to the three aspect that the author was found, such as the government?s commitment, the popularity of the Korean Wave itself, and information about Korean Wave itself."

"Setelah terlibat konflik politik selama lebih dari enam dekade, Cina mengambil sebuah kebijakan yang fenomenal dalam hubungannya dengan Taiwan. Pada tanggal 29 Juni 2010 disepakati suatu kerangka kerjasama ekonomi yang ditandatangani oleh Association for Relations Across Taiwan Straits (ARATS) yang mewakili pemerintah Cina dan Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) yang mewakili pemerintah Taiwan. Penandatanganan Cross Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) ini menandai babak baru dalam hubungan lintas selat. Walaupun perjanjian tersebut bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kerjasama ekonomi yang resiprokal dan setara, dalam isi perjanjian ECFA justru lebih menguntungkan Taiwan daripada Cina. Dalam ECFA disepakati kedua pihak sepakat untuk menurunkan tarif pada produk - produk ekspornya hingga 0%. Cina bersedia menurunkan tarif bagi 539 produk impor dari Taiwan, sementara Taiwan hanya bersedia menurunkan tarif bagi 267 produk impor dari Cina. Jelas terdapat ketidakseimbangan dalam kesepakatan ekonomi tersebut. Menjadi pertanyaan yang menarik, mengapa Cina tetap mau menandatangani perjanjian yang sudah jelas merugikan baginya secara ekonomi Melalui kerangka pemikiran economic statecraft, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi bahwa Cina memiliki memiliki kepentingan di balik penandatanganan ECFA. Adapun kepentingan politik Cina dalam penandatanganan ECFA adalah sebagai tahap awal untuk mencapai reunifikasi secara damai dengan Taiwan dan sebagaim pembuktian upaya peaceful development yang dilakukan Cina di kawasan Asia Timur. Selain itu, Cina juga memiliki kepentingan ekonomi untuk menjaga aliran dana investasi langsung dari Taiwan yang menjadi salah satu penyumbang pertumbuhan ekonomi Cina.

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After six decades full of hostility and political tension, China took an extraordinary action regarding her relation towards Taiwan. On June 29, 2010, an economic cooperation framework agreement was signed between Association for Relations Across Taiwan Straits (ARATS) as a representative of government of China and Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) as a representative of government of Taiwan. The signing of Cross Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) was marking the new era of cross strait relations. While looking to improve economic cooperation reciprocally and equally, this agreement is more favor Taiwan instead of China. China agreed to reduce tariffs until 0% for 539 Taiwan export goods, while Taiwan only agreed to reduce tariffs for 267 China export goods. It is likely that China will face economic disadvantages because of this agreement. Then, the question is why China wants to sign this agreement although it doesn't give maximum advantages to her economy. Through the analysis from economic statecraft and economic cooperation as conceptual framework, this research pointed out that China has political and economic interest within this agreement. This research identified China's interest on ECFA as initial step to achieve peaceful reunification with Taiwan and as a way for China to prove the peaceful development strategy in East Asia region. Moreover, China also has economic interest towards ECFA which is to make sure Taiwan's FDI still come to China."

"Keberhasilan Amerika Serikat menjalankan diplomasi jazz sebagai diplomasi budaya pada era Perang Dingin lalu telah menginspirasi U.S. State Department untuk mengulangi hal yang sama sekarang. Oleh karena itu, sejak tahun 2006 Amerika Serikat telah menjalankan diplomasi hip hopnya ke negaranegara di dunia. Hip hop dipilih selain karena perkembangannya yang begitu pesatnya, juga kedekatannya dengan anak-anak muda. Diharapkan hip hop dapat membantu misi diplomasi budaya Amerika Serikat yaitu memperbaiki image dan menyebarkan values-nya di dunia. Penelitian ini mencoba mengevaluasi karakteristik hip hop dengan karakteristik diplomasi budaya Amerika Serikat untuk menjawab pertanyaan ?Mengapa Amerika Serikat memilih hip hop sebagai diplomasi budayanya.

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The United States success in implementing Jazz Diplomacy as cultural diplomacy during the Cold War era had inspired the U.S. State Department to implement the same policy. Thus, since 2006, the U.S. had been implementing hip hop diplomacy as part of its foreign policies. Hip hop was chosen not only for its rapid development but also for its close connection with young generation. This hip hop diplomacy is expected to help the U.S. cultural diplomacy mission to improve its image around the world and spread its values among foreign audiences. This research is trying to help to asses hip hop characteristics compared to other US cultural diplomacy characteristics in order to answer the research question. Why does the U.S. choose hip hop as its cultural diplomacy initiatives?"

"Kazakhstan merupakan negara Asia Tengah dengan cadangan energi terbesar yang menerapkan kebijakan luar negeri multi-vektor dalam menghadapi rivalitas Rusia dan Amerika Serikat (AS) dalam bidang kerjasama energi. Dengan Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) Rusia memiliki hak monopoli dalam rute ekstraksi energi Kazakhstan. Reluktansi ekspansi kapasitas CPC dari Rusia mengharuskan Kazakhstan bekerjasama dengan AS dalam keanggotaan pipa minyak Baku- Tbilisi-Ceyhan dan membentuk rancangan pipa minyak Trans-Kaspia. Dengan menggunakan konsep keamanan energi dan economic statecraft, pengaplikasian kebijakan luar negeri Kazakhstan diteliti dalam aspek Multi-Vektor dengan tujuan untuk memberikan posisi balancing Kazakhstan terhadap Rusia dan mengurangi monopoli Rusia terhadap ekstraksi energi Kazakhstan.

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Central Asia, an energy-rich region, is present in the middle of energy rivalry between Russia and United States. As the highest country with proven energy reserve, Kazakhstan holds important position and applying Multi-Vector foreign policy in responding Russia-US rivalry in energy sector. With the present of Caspian Pipeline Consortium, Russia exercised monopoly towards extraction route of Kazakhstan oil. Through Russia?s reluctance in expanding CPC?s capacity, Kazakhstan is obliged to cooperate with the US through Baku-Tbilisi- Ceyhan pipeline and the Trans-Caspia pipeline project. The application of Kazakhstan?s foreign policy, regarded upon nation-building aspects, geopolitics and US-Russia interests in energy, is using multi-vector strategy to create balancing position towards Russia to decrease monopoly towards Kazakhstan?s energy extraction route."

"Kebijakan perluasan perdagangan dan kerjasama energi Rusia dengan China, merupakan langkah baru bagi pemerintahan Putin yang selama ini menjadikan Barat (Uni Eropa) menjadi mitra utama. Dengan menggunakan energi sebagai alat kebijakan ekonomi luar negerinya, Putin merancang ulang langkah kepentingan dan tujuan negara yang hendak dicapai Rusia. Isu-isu dalam ekonomi, politik, hingga keamanan turut mempengaruhi terwujudnya peningkatan kemitraan Rusia dengan China dimasa kini. Sementara itu hubungan Rusia dengan UE tidak dapat disampingkan begitu saja karena hubungan interdependensi keduanya masih cukup kuat. Walaupun demikian pilihan strategis yang diambil Rusia saat ini menunjukan peningkatan hubungan dengan China dalam bidang energi.

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Russia's trade expansion and energy cooperation policies with China are considered as novel steps in Putin's government which has thus far rendered the West (European Union) as key partner. By employing energy as means in its economic foreign policy, Putin renovates the state's interest and objective aimed to be attained. Economic, politic, as well as security issues also influence the realization of enhanced Russia's partnership with China. Meanwhile Russia's relation with EU cannot be disregarded as the interdependency between the two entities is still intense. Nevertheless, Russia's current strategic decision enhances its relation with China in the sphere of energy."

"[ABSTRAKMeskipun fakta memperlihatkan bahwa pertukaran people-to-people dalamhubungan antar-selat yang terus meningkat secara signifikan nyatanya tidak jugamengakhiri kebuntuan politik diantara Cina dan Taiwan. Diplomasi koersif Cinadalam kebijakan antar-selat digunakan sebagai alat diplomasi Cina untukmemaksa Taiwan menerima prinsip one-China dan melakukan reunifikasimelalui formula one country, two systems. Dalam prakteknya, diplomasi koersifyang dilakukan Cina tidak selalu mengalami kesuksesan. Tesis ini membahaskegagalan diplomasi koersif Cina terhadap Taiwan pada periode pemerintahanLee Teng-hui (1995-2000) melalui analisa studi kasus komparasi yangdifokuskan pada kegagalan diplomasi koersif Cina pada kasus krisis antar-selat1995-96 dan keberhasilan penggunaan diplomasi koersif Cina terhadap Taiwanpada masa pemerintahan Chen Shui-bian pada kasus reformasi pro-kemerdekaan2003-04.

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ABSTRACTDespite the fact showed that people-to-people exchanges on Cross-strait relationimproved significantly it doesn?t easily end the political stalemate between China(PRC) and Taiwan (ROC). PRC?s coercive diplomacy on Cross-strait relationpolicy used as a diplomatic tool to coerce Taiwan to accept the one-Chinaprinciple and agree to unify with China through one country, two systemsformula. In practice, China?s use of coercive diplomacy not always experiencinga full success. This Thesis discuss about the failure of PRC?s coercive diplomacytowards Taiwan on Lee Teng-hui administration period (1995-2000) through ananalysis of comparative case study that focused on the failure of PRC?s coercivediplomacy towards Taiwan in Cross-strait Crisis 1995-96 and the success ofPRC?s coercive diplomacy towards Taiwan on Chen Shui-bian administration inpro-independence reform 2003-04.;Despite the fact showed that people-to-people exchanges on Cross-strait relationimproved significantly it doesn?t easily end the political stalemate between China(PRC) and Taiwan (ROC). PRC?s coercive diplomacy on Cross-strait relationpolicy used as a diplomatic tool to coerce Taiwan to accept the one-Chinaprinciple and agree to unify with China through one country, two systemsformula. In practice, China?s use of coercive diplomacy not always experiencinga full success. This Thesis discuss about the failure of PRC?s coercive diplomacytowards Taiwan on Lee Teng-hui administration period (1995-2000) through ananalysis of comparative case study that focused on the failure of PRC?s coercivediplomacy towards Taiwan in Cross-strait Crisis 1995-96 and the success ofPRC?s coercive diplomacy towards Taiwan on Chen Shui-bian administration inpro-independence reform 2003-04.;Despite the fact showed that people-to-people exchanges on Cross-strait relationimproved significantly it doesn?t easily end the political stalemate between China(PRC) and Taiwan (ROC). PRC?s coercive diplomacy on Cross-strait relationpolicy used as a diplomatic tool to coerce Taiwan to accept the one-Chinaprinciple and agree to unify with China through one country, two systemsformula. In practice, China?s use of coercive diplomacy not always experiencinga full success. This Thesis discuss about the failure of PRC?s coercive diplomacytowards Taiwan on Lee Teng-hui administration period (1995-2000) through ananalysis of comparative case study that focused on the failure of PRC?s coercivediplomacy towards Taiwan in Cross-strait Crisis 1995-96 and the success ofPRC?s coercive diplomacy towards Taiwan on Chen Shui-bian administration inpro-independence reform 2003-04., Despite the fact showed that people-to-people exchanges on Cross-strait relationimproved significantly it doesn’t easily end the political stalemate between China(PRC) and Taiwan (ROC). PRC’s coercive diplomacy on Cross-strait relationpolicy used as a diplomatic tool to coerce Taiwan to accept the one-Chinaprinciple and agree to unify with China through one country, two systemsformula. In practice, China’s use of coercive diplomacy not always experiencinga full success. This Thesis discuss about the failure of PRC’s coercive diplomacytowards Taiwan on Lee Teng-hui administration period (1995-2000) through ananalysis of comparative case study that focused on the failure of PRC’s coercivediplomacy towards Taiwan in Cross-strait Crisis 1995-96 and the success ofPRC’s coercive diplomacy towards Taiwan on Chen Shui-bian administration inpro-independence reform 2003-04.]"

"Sejak tahun 2009, Indonesia terikat oleh kerjasama open sky ASEAN. Tesis ini membahas keikutsertaan Indonesia dalam kerjasama ini ditinjau dari perspektif hukum internasional dan hubungan internasional. Teori yang menggambarkan hubungan antara kepentingan negara dan kepentingan rezim dalam kerjasama internasional yang seringkali berbenturan digunakan untuk menjelaskan kepentingan nasional Indonesia yang terganggu dalam kerjasama open sky ASEAN di satu sisi dan manfaat kerjasama ini di sisi lain. Di satu sisi, Indonesia bersama dengan kesepuluh negara anggota ASEAN lain memperoleh manfaat dari kerjasama open sky ASEAN melalui proyek Masyarakat ASEAN. Di sisi lain, kepentingan nasional Indonesia untuk melindungi kedaulatan di wilayah udara dan industri penerbangan nasionalnya terganggu dalam kerjasama ini. Ketentuan dalam Konvensi Wina sebagai sumber hukum internasional berperan dalam memberikan peluang bagi Indonesia berupa penarikan diri, reservasi maupun amandemen untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan nasionalnya yang terganggu oleh kerjasama ini, namun dengan tetap menjalankan kewajibannya terhadap rezim. Meskipun ketiga peluang ini dimungkinkan menurut hukum internasional, menurut hubungan internasional peluang untuk reservasi dan amandemen merupakan pilihan yang lebih diplomatis. Dengan meneliti posisi keikut-sertaan Indonesia dalam kerjasama open sky ASEAN, tampak bahwa hukum internasional dan hubungan internasional merupakan dua kajian yang saling mendukung. Hukum internasional merupakan kerangka normatif dalam hubungan internasional yang bertujuan untuk menyeimbangkan kepentingan negara dengan kepentingan rezim dalam sebuah kerjasama internasional. Meskipun demikian, dalam hubungan sarat konflik antara kepentingan rezim dengan kepentingan negara, kepentingan negara lebih banyak memengaruhi kepentingan rezim.

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Since 2009, Indonesia has committed to ASEAN open sky cooperation. This research aims to observe Indonesia's participation within this cooperation through international law and international relations lenses. A theory describing conflict relations between state's and regime's interest within international cooperation is used to explain Indonesia's interest when facing challenges within this cooperation, while showing that there are also benefits from this cooperation. On the one side, Indonesia and the other ten ASEAN members enjoy open sky cooperation trough ASEAN Community project. On the other side, this cooperation has posed some challenge to Indonesia in protecting its air sovereignty and national airlines industry. The Vienna Convention as a source of international law offers some possibilities for Indonesia in the forms of withdrawal, reservation, or amendment in order to protect its national interests which have undergone some challenges while still adhering to its obligation to the regime. Even though the three possibilities are supported by international law, from international relation perspective possibilities to reserve and amend are considered more diplomatic. By observing Indonesia's partnership in ASEAN open sky cooperation, it can be concluded that international law and international relations are two disciplines that are complementing each other. International law is a normative construct in international relations that aims to balance state's and regime's interest. However, within conflict relations between regime's and state's interest, it is suggested that state's interest has more domination over regime's interest."

"[ABSTRAKPertambangan mineral dan batuan merupakan salah satu sektor strategis dalam perekonomian dunia. Nilai guna yang tinggi serta diharuskannya suatu perusahaan tambang untuk menetap dalan jangka waktu yang lama di dalam wilayah suatu negara menjadikan sektor ini menjadi sangat strategis baik secara ekonomi maupun politik. Sektor pertambangan mineral dan batuan seperti layaknya pertambangan migas, umumnya masih dikuasai oleh MNCs dan perusahaan pertambangan dari negara maju, sementara sumber daya mineral dan batuan mayoritas berada pada negara berkembang yang miskin teknologi. Hal ini menciptakan suatu kondisi dimana negara berkembang sering merasa dirugikan dengan kondisi dimana mereka hanya dapat memproduksi barang tambang mentah dan diharuskan membeli kembali hasil olahan dari barang tambang mentah yang berasal dari negara mereka. Hal ini pula yang membuat banyak negara berkembang mengeluarkan kebijakan yang bercorak resource nationalism guna mengejar kepentingan ekonomi maupun kepentingan politik.Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara penghasil komoditas tambang mineral dan batuan yang cukup besar. Sedikitnya dua puluh komoditas tambang mineral dan batuan diproduksi oleh Indonesia. Namun sebagaimana negara berkembang lain, sektor pertambangan mineral dan Batuan Indonesia masih didominasi oleh MNCs dan perusahaan pertambangan Asing. Hal yang mengejutkan kemudian dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Indonesia dimana pada periode tahun 2009 hingga tahun 2014, pemerintah Indonesia mengeluarkan kebijakan yang bercorak resource nationalism. Pergeseran kebijakan ini menjadi suatu hal yang menarik dimana sebelumnya kebijakan di sektor tersebut cenderung bercorak liberalis. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui penyebab dilakukannya pergeseran kebijakan di sektor pertambangan mineral dan batuan Indonesia menuju penerapan prinsip-prinsip resource nationalism pada periode tersebut.

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ABSTARCTMineral and ores mining is one of the most strategic sectors in world economy. High value of usage and the obligation of the mining companies to stay in other country's sovereign territory for a long period of time makes this sector very strategic economically and politically. Mineral and ores mining just like oil and gas mining, is usually dominated by MNCs and mining companies from the developed countries, while the mineral and ores resources is often located in developing countries that are lacking in technology to exploit it. This creates condition where the developing countries often feels at disadvantages, because they can only produce the raw materials, and in return they have to purchase the processed products which originally made from the raw materials from their own countries. This also causes many developing countries create policies that are associated with resource nationalism to pursue economic ends and also political ends.Indonesia is one of the biggest mineral and ores commodities producing countries. At least twenty kind of mineral and ores commodities are produced by Indonesia. However, just like many other developing countries, mineral and ores mining sector in Indonesia is still dominated by MNCs and foreign mining companies. In the period between 2009 and 2014, Indonesian government created some shocking policies in their mineral and ores mining sector that associated with resource nationalism. This political shift towards more resource nationalist policies is interesting to observe because previously mineral and ores mining policies in Indonesia is considered to be more liberal. This research aims to analyze what causes the shift on indonesian mineral and ores mining sector towards resource nationalism on that period;Mineral and ores mining is one of the most strategic sectors in world economy. High value of usage and the obligation of the mining companies to stay in other country's sovereign territory for a long period of time makes this sector very strategic economically and politically. Mineral and ores mining just like oil and gas mining, is usually dominated by MNCs and mining companies from the developed countries, while the mineral and ores resources is often located in developing countries that are lacking in technology to exploit it. This creates condition where the developing countries often feels at disadvantages, because they can only produce the raw materials, and in return they have to purchase the processed products which originally made from the raw materials from their own countries. This also causes many developing countries create policies that are associated with resource nationalism to pursue economic ends and also political ends.Indonesia is one of the biggest mineral and ores commodities producing countries. At least twenty kind of mineral and ores commodities are produced by Indonesia. However, just like many other developing countries, mineral and ores mining sector in Indonesia is still dominated by MNCs and foreign mining companies. In the period between 2009 and 2014, Indonesian government created some shocking policies in their mineral and ores mining sector that associated with resource nationalism. This political shift towards more resource nationalist policies is interesting to observe because previously mineral and ores mining policies in Indonesia is considered to be more liberal. This research aims to analyze what causes the shift on indonesian mineral and ores mining sector towards resource nationalism on that period, Mineral and ores mining is one of the most strategic sectors in world economy. High value of usage and the obligation of the mining companies to stay in other country's sovereign territory for a long period of time makes this sector very strategic economically and politically. Mineral and ores mining just like oil and gas mining, is usually dominated by MNCs and mining companies from the developed countries, while the mineral and ores resources is often located in developing countries that are lacking in technology to exploit it. This creates condition where the developing countries often feels at disadvantages, because they can only produce the raw materials, and in return they have to purchase the processed products which originally made from the raw materials from their own countries. This also causes many developing countries create policies that are associated with resource nationalism to pursue economic ends and also political ends.Indonesia is one of the biggest mineral and ores commodities producing countries. At least twenty kind of mineral and ores commodities are produced by Indonesia. However, just like many other developing countries, mineral and ores mining sector in Indonesia is still dominated by MNCs and foreign mining companies. In the period between 2009 and 2014, Indonesian government created some shocking policies in their mineral and ores mining sector that associated with resource nationalism. This political shift towards more resource nationalist policies is interesting to observe because previously mineral and ores mining policies in Indonesia is considered to be more liberal. This research aims to analyze what causes the shift on indonesian mineral and ores mining sector towards resource nationalism on that period]"

"[ABSTRAKSebagai negara maju dan anggota OECD, Australia merupakan negara yangsangat aktif berkontribusi dalam pembangunan internasional dan pemberantasankemiskinan melalui pemberian ODA (Official Development Assistance). Dalamrangka mengakselerasi tujuan ODA tersebut, Australia mengadopsi danmengintegrasikan kebijakan Aid for Trade (AfT) yang secara internasionaldiluncurkan pada WTO Hongkong Declaration 2005 kedalam kebijakan bantuanluar negerinya pada tahun 2006. Kebijakan ini diambil dengan prinsip bahwanegara maju dapat membantu negara berkembang keluar dari kemiskinan denganmeningkatkan kapasitasnya dalam perdagangan internasional. Berbasis hal ini,sejak 2006, Australia mengimplementasikan kebijakan AfT dengan fokus regionaldi negara-negara ASEAN melalui bantuan infrastruktur, teknis, dan peningkatankapasitas dengan inisiatif Greater Mekong Subregion Trade and TransportFacilitation (GMS TTF), ASEAN Australia Development CooperationPartnership Phase II (AADCP II), dan ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FreeTrade Agreement Economic Cooperation Support Program (AAZNFTA ECSP).Berdasarkan hal ini, bila kebijakan AfT Australia ditujukan untuk membantunegara berkembang keluar dari kemiskinan, fokus regional Australia dalamkebijakannya tersebut dinilai timpang dengan kenyataan problematika kemiskinanyang lebih besar terjadi di kawasan lain seperti Afrika. Lebih daripada itu, jikadinilai dari aspek perdagangan internasional, tidak semua negara ASEANmerupakan mitra utama perdagangan dua arahnya. Hal ini menimbulkanpertanyaan mengapa ASEAN menjadi fokus dalam kebijakan AfT Australia ini.Penelitian ini ditujukan untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut dengan menilaiaspek kepentingan Australia dalam kebijakan luar negerinya terhadap ASEANdengan kerangka konsep geoekonomi. Dalam pembahasannya, metode kualitatifakan digunakan untuk menjelaskan kepentingan geoekonomi Australia dalamkebijakan AfT-nya di ASEAN (periode 2006-2014). Analisis kepentingangeoekonomi Australia ini kemudian didasarkan pada tiga hal, yakni: 1)konektivitas perdagangan internasional Australia lintas kawasan, dimana akanmembahas kepentingan Australia atas jalur perdagangan strategis di ASEAN yangmenghubungkannya kepada mitra dagang utamanya; 2) posisi Australia dalamarsitektur ekonomi regional yang akan mengkaji keterlibatan Australia dalamproses pembentukan dan pemanfaatan perjanjian perdagangan bebas baik bilateralmaupun regional, dimana kebijakan AfT Australia sebagai katalis dalam usahatersebut; dan 3) potensi ekonomi ASEAN bagi Australia di abad Asia denganpenekanan pada potensi demografi ASEAN dan relasi investasi asing langsung(Foreign Direct Investment/FDI) antara kedua pihak.

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ABSTRACT Australia, as developed country and member of OECD, is a country whichactively contributes to international development and poverty eradication effortsvia providing ODA (Official Development Assistance). In order to expedite thegoal of its ODA, Australia adopts and integrates the Aid for Trade (AfT) policywhich was internationally lauched at the WTO Hongkong Declaration 2005 to itsaid policy in 2006. This policy was adopted with the principle of which developedcountries could assist developing countries to leave poverty by increasing theircapacity in international trade. Based on this, since 2006, Australia has beenimplementing AfT policy with regional focus towards ASEAN countries throughinfrastructure and technical assistance, as well as capacity building with theinitiatives of Greater Mekong Subregion Trade and Transport Facilitation (GMSTTF), ASEAN Australia Development Cooperation Partnership Phase II (AADCPII), and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement EconomicCooperation Support Program (AAZNFTA ECSP). In regards of this policy, ifAustralia’s AfT policy is directed to assist developing country to leave outpoverty, the regional focus of Australia is considered to be inappropriatepertaining to the fact that the problem of poverty is bigger in another region, suchas in Africa. Moreover, if it is considered from international trade aspect, it is notall of ASEAN countries which is the main two-way trading partner of Australia.This matter then rises question why ASEAN become the focus in Australia’s AfTpolicy.This research is adressed to answer that question by considering the aspectof Australia’s interest in its foreign policy towards ASEAN with the conceptualframework of geoeconomics. Inside of explanation, the qualitative methode wouldbe used to explain Australia’s geoeconomic interest in AfT policy in ASEAN(period of 2006-2014). The analysis of geoeconomic interest would then beestablished upon three things, which are: 1) the connectivity of Australia’sinternational trade across the region, which would explain Australia’s interestupon strategic trade pathways in ASEAN which connect Australia to its maintrade partner; 2) Australia’s position in the regional economic architecture, whichwould further analyze Australia’s engagement in the process of establishing andutilizing free trade agreement bilaterally an regionally by which the AfT policyplays a role as catalyst towards those efforts; and 3) the ASEAN economicpotential for Australia in the Asian century with the emphasis on demographicpotential of ASEAN as well as foreign direct investment (FDI) relation on bothparties., Australia, as developed country and member of OECD, is a country whichactively contributes to international development and poverty eradication effortsvia providing ODA (Official Development Assistance). In order to expedite thegoal of its ODA, Australia adopts and integrates the Aid for Trade (AfT) policywhich was internationally lauched at the WTO Hongkong Declaration 2005 to itsaid policy in 2006. This policy was adopted with the principle of which developedcountries could assist developing countries to leave poverty by increasing theircapacity in international trade. Based on this, since 2006, Australia has beenimplementing AfT policy with regional focus towards ASEAN countries throughinfrastructure and technical assistance, as well as capacity building with theinitiatives of Greater Mekong Subregion Trade and Transport Facilitation (GMSTTF), ASEAN Australia Development Cooperation Partnership Phase II (AADCPII), and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement EconomicCooperation Support Program (AAZNFTA ECSP). In regards of this policy, ifAustralia’s AfT policy is directed to assist developing country to leave outpoverty, the regional focus of Australia is considered to be inappropriatepertaining to the fact that the problem of poverty is bigger in another region, suchas in Africa. Moreover, if it is considered from international trade aspect, it is notall of ASEAN countries which is the main two-way trading partner of Australia.This matter then rises question why ASEAN become the focus in Australia’s AfTpolicy.This research is adressed to answer that question by considering the aspectof Australia’s interest in its foreign policy towards ASEAN with the conceptualframework of geoeconomics. Inside of explanation, the qualitative methode wouldbe used to explain Australia’s geoeconomic interest in AfT policy in ASEAN(period of 2006-2014). The analysis of geoeconomic interest would then beestablished upon three things, which are: 1) the connectivity of Australia’sinternational trade across the region, which would explain Australia’s interestupon strategic trade pathways in ASEAN which connect Australia to its maintrade partner; 2) Australia’s position in the regional economic architecture, whichwould further analyze Australia’s engagement in the process of establishing andutilizing free trade agreement bilaterally an regionally by which the AfT policyplays a role as catalyst towards those efforts; and 3) the ASEAN economicpotential for Australia in the Asian century with the emphasis on demographicpotential of ASEAN as well as foreign direct investment (FDI) relation on bothparties.]"

"Tesis ini membahas teori pembangunan Dunia Ketiga yang dikaitkan dengan isu transformasi agraria di Indonesia secara kritis melalui interpretive method dalam penelitian kualitatif. Alur penelitian dalam tesis ini memadukan pemikiran dari Escobar (1985, 1988) dan Fakih (2009) mengenai mekanisme pendistribusian power/knowledge Blok Kapitalis dalam proyek pembangunan secara lokal di Indonesia. Temuan studi menunjukkan bahwa proyek pembangunan Dunia Ketiga merupakan strategi Blok Kapitalis untuk mempertahankan dominasinya dalam rezim internasional. Strategi tersebut mendukung penetrasi model produksi kapitalis, sehingga dapat eksis dan bertahan dalam transformasi agraria di Indonesia. Eksistensi kapitalisme dimanifestasikan dalam rekayasa sosial berupa Revolusi Hijau dan Pasar Tanah yang mengesampingkan visi kesejahteraan yang adil dan beradab karena senantiasa mengutamakan target akumulasi kapital yang hanya berorientasi pada hasil dan pendapatan dalam setiap proyek pembangunan pada era neokolonialisme.

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This thesis discusses the Third World Development theory which is critically associated with the agrarian transformation issue in Indonesia through interpretive methods in qualitative research. Escobar (1985, 1988) and Fakih (2009) thinking about the mechanism for distributing the Capitalist?s ?local centers of power knowledge? in Indonesia became the main approach in analyzing. This research found and indicated that the Third World development projects are the Capitalists strategy to stabilizing their hegemonic discourse in international regime. This strategy supports the penetration of capitalist mode of production, so it can exist and persist in the agrarian transformation which becomes one of many social realities of development projects in Indonesia. Capitalism existence embodied in social engineering as in Green Revolution and Land Markets which ruled out the vision of Just and Civilized Humanity is because it consistently prioritizes the capital accumulated target of every development project in neocolonialism era."