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"Tulisan ini menjabarkan tentang perkembangan tato ditinjau dari aspek motif, makna, maupun fungsinya di kalangan narapidana di Yogyakarta sejak tahun 1950an. Narasumber adalah narapidana di Lembaga Pemasyarakatan Klas IIA Yogyakarta, mantan narapidana, dan seniman tato yang memahami seluk beluk perkembangan tato menato di Yogyakarta. Motif tato di kalangan narapidana meliputi tumbuhan, binatang, potret manusia, horor, tato tribal, ikon hati, tipografi, biohazard dan biomechanical, juga alam benda. Tampilan motif tato ada dua, yaitu berdiri sendiri dan perpaduan beberapa motif. Setiap motif mempunyai makna tertentu. Teknis menatonya menggunakan peralatan sederhana berupa benang, jarum, dan norit (merek obat sakitperut) dan mesin tato mekanik. Tato dan kegiatan menato di kalangan narapidana mempunyai dua fungsi utama yaitu pribadi dan sosial. Fungsi pribadi berkaitan dengan tato sebagai karya seni. Dalam batasan ini, tato berfungsi sebagai ekspresi pengalaman hidup yang berfungsi juga sebagaipengingat akan peristiwa tertentu dan hiasan tubuh, sebagai eksp resi religiositas, terapi dan relaksasi, jimat, daya tarik seks, keamanan diri, serta untuk menutupi luka atau tato yang dianggap tidak bagus. Fungsi pribadi lainnya adalah sebagai pendapatan bagi narapidana yang mampu menato. Fungsi sosial tato adalah lambang kelompok, sarana sosialisasi dan menumbuhkan rasa percaya diri individu dalam kelompok, baik di dalam maupun di luar Lembaga Pemasyarakatan.

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AbstractThis article describes about the developments of the motif s, meaning, and functions of the tattoo among the convicts and detainees in Yogyakarta since 1950s. The research respondents were the convicts and detainees in the Socialization Institution of Class IIA Yogyakarta, ex-convicts, and tattoo artists who understood about the developments of tattooing in Yogyakarta. The Motifs of tattoo among the convicts and deta inees were flora, fauna, people portraits, horror, tribal tattoo, heart iconics, typography, biohazard and biomechanical, also still life. There were two appearances of the motif, standed alone and mix motifs. Each motif had particular meaning. The tattoing technique used simple equipment aswool, needle, and norit (a brand of stomach-ache medicine) and mechanical tattoo machine. Tattoo and tattooing activities among the convicts consist of two major functions, in dividual and social. As indivi dual function, tattoo is an artwork. In this term, tattoo has a function as the expression of experiences, included as a reminder of specific experiences and body decoration. Others as a religious expression, therapy and relaxation, talisman, sex appeal, self-protection and to cover up the wounds and other tattoo which were not good. Another individual function was jobopportunity for anyone who had ability in tattoing. The social function of tattoo was as a group symbol, a medium of socialization and enhancing individual self-confidence in the group either inside or outside the Socialization Institution."

"Tulisan ini menjabarkan tentang perkembangan tato ditinjau dari aspek motif, makna, maupun fungsinya di kalangannarapidana di Yogyakarta sejak tahun 1950an. Narasumber adalah narapidana di Lembaga Pemasyarakatan Klas IIAYogyakarta, mantan narapidana, dan seniman tato yang memahami seluk beluk perkembangan tato menato diYogyakarta. Motif tato di kalangan narapidana meliputi tumbuhan, binatang, potret manusia, horor, tato tribal, ikonhati, tipografi, biohazard dan biomechanical, juga alam benda. Tampilan motif tato ada dua, yaitu berdiri sendiri danperpaduan beberapa motif. Setiap motif mempunyai makna tertentu. Teknis menatonya menggunakan peralatansederhana berupa benang, jarum, dan norit (merek obat sakit perut) dan mesin tato mekanik. Tato dan kegiatan menatodi kalangan narapidana mempunyai dua fungsi utama yaitu pribadi dan sosial. Fungsi pribadi berkaitan dengan tatosebagai karya seni. Dalam batasan ini, tato berfungsi sebagai ekspresi pengalaman hidup yang berfungsi juga sebagaipengingat akan peristiwa tertentu dan hiasan tubuh, sebagai ekspresi religiositas, terapi dan relaksasi, jimat, daya tarikseks, keamanan diri, serta untuk menutupi luka atau tato yang dianggap tidak bagus. Fungsi pribadi lainnya adalahsebagai pendapatan bagi narapidana yang mampu menato. Fungsi sosial tato adalah lambang kelompok, saranasosialisasi dan menumbuhkan rasa percaya diri individu dalam kelompok, baik di dalam maupun di luar LembagaPemasyarakatan.This article describes about the developments of the motifs, meaning, and functions of the tattoo among the convictsand detainees in Yogyakarta since 1950s. The research respondents were the convicts and detainees in the SocializationInstitution of Class IIA Yogyakarta, ex-convicts, and tattoo artists who understood about the developments of tattooingin Yogyakarta. The Motifs of tattoo among the convicts and detainees were flora, fauna, people portraits, horror, tribaltattoo, heart iconics, typography, biohazard and biomechanical, also still life. There were two appearances of the motif,standed alone and mix motifs. Each motif had particular meaning. The tattoing technique used simple equipment aswool, needle, and norit (a brand of stomach-ache medicine) and mechanical tattoo machine. Tattoo and tattooingactivities among the convicts consist of two major functions, individual and social. As individual function, tattoo is anartwork. In this term, tattoo has a function as the expression of experiences, included as a reminder of specificexperiences and body decoration. Others as a religious expression, therapy and relaxation, talisman, sex appeal, selfprotectionand to cover up the wounds and other tattoo which were not good. Another individual function was jobopportunity for anyone who had ability in tattoing. The social function of tattoo was as a group symbol, a medium ofsocialization and enhancing individual self-confidence in the group either inside or outside the Socialization Institution."

"ABSTRAKMenjadi seorang perempuan di dalam masyarakat yang patriarkal kerap kali membuat perempuan mengalami opresi dan kekangan sehingga ia tidak bisa secara utuh memiliki kuasa atas tubuhnya. Pengalaman ketubuhan dalam kultur patriarkal tersebut dapat diekspresikan perempuan melalui praktik modifikasi tubuh, salah satunya adalah tato. Jika dahulu tato erat dengan hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan spiritualitas dan kriminalitas, kini tato sudah menjadi bagian dari gaya hidup kaum perkotaan. Berdasarkan hasil wawancara mendalam dan observasi, praktik bertato bagi sebagian perempuan yang sadar akan isu gender dan perempuan, dimaknai sebagai sebuah tindakan untuk merebut kembali tubuh mereka dari kultur patriarki. Pemaknaan yang diberikan berdasar pada pengalaman ketubuhan yang dialami, seperti kekerasan seksual, opresi verbal terhadap bentuk tubuh, dan kekangan aturan dari keluarga patriarkal. Selain itu, pemaknaan tersebut juga dipengaruhi oleh lingkup pertemanan informan yang juga paham akan permasalahan tubuh perempuan.

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ABSTRACTBorn as women in patriarchal society often creates oppression and restraint, towards their body. This fact takes their authority over their bodies. These bodily experiences expressed through various body modification practices, such as tattoo. In the past, tattoo is related with spirituality and criminality, but now, tattoo has become a urban lifestyle. Based on in-depth interview and observation held in this study with women who have knowledge with gender and woman issues, a tattoo practice means reclaiming their body from patriarchal culture. The meaning is given based on their bodily experiences, such as sexual violence, verbal oppression of ideal body, and restraint from patriarchal family. This meaning come from their bodily experiences which also influenced by their peer group."

"ABSTRAKPangotoeb refers to the traditional tattooing among the Pantaron Manobo of Mindanao, a practice that has not been given a systematic description and analysis before in Philippine or Mindanao studies. After giving a review of early historical and recent reports on this practice, this article provides an ethnographic description of Pantaron Manobo tattooing on the following aspects: (a) the tattoo practitioner (and her socio-symbolic contexts); (b) tools and techniques; (c) variations in body placements; (d) basic designs; and (e) the given reasons why present-day Manobo tattoo themselves. In terms of Philippine tattooing technique, this study highlights the importance of distinguishing three modal hand movements: hand-tapping, handpoking, and incising techniques; this last is unique to Mindanao relative to the rest of the Philippines and perhaps Southeast Asia. This paper also opens a comparative and exploratory cognitive approach in studying Manobo tattooing practice. Calling for a methodological declustering of the study of tattooing from its frequent association with male/warrior identity, this article concludes by selecting a limited set of figures that appears to be an enduring schema underlying Manobo tattooing practice: (a) the central role of the female gender; (b) the unique importance of the navel/abdomen as a tattooing region of the (female) body; and (c) the importance of the ridge-pole (and the house in general) in naming tattoo figures and attributing significances. These appear to be more resonant with many other aspects of Manobo culture to warrant giving this schema a heuristic value for future studies."