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"The Web plays an increasingly important role in the communication strategies of political parties and movements, which increasingly utilize it for promoting ideas and ideologies as well as mobilization and campaigning strategies. This book explores the role of the Web for right-wing populist political parties and movements across Europe. Analyzing these groups' discourses and practices of online communication, it shows how social media is used to spread ideas and mobilize supporters whilst also excluding constructed 'others' such as migrants, Muslims, women or LGBT persons. Expert contributors provide evidence of a shift in the strategies of mainstream parties as they also engage in 'Internet populism' and suggest ways that progressive movements can and do respond to counter these developments. Topics are explored using a cross-country analysis which does not neglect the particularities of the national contexts. This work will appeal to researchers and students working in the fields of media and communication studies, political theory, policy analysis, studies of populism, racism and nationalism, gender, LGBT, migration, Islam and welfare."--Provided by publisher."

"Populisme berkembang di berbagai negara pada dua dekade terakhir, termasuk di Indonesia. Sebagian besar penelitian terkait populisme di Indonesia terpusat pada tokoh politik dan masih sedikit yang berfokus pada faktor-faktor psikologi sosial. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui hubungan antara group relative deprivation (GRD), resentment, dan sikap populis, serta peran mediasi resentment terhadap hubungan antara GRD dengan sikap populis. Responden berjumlah 180 orang, 38,3% laki-laki dan 61,7% perempuan, dengan rata-rata umur 30 tahun (SD = 10,30). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan GRD berhubungan positif signifikan dengan sikap populis (r = 0,182, p < 0,05) dan resentment (r = 0,15, p < 0,05). Resentment ditemukan berhubungan positif signifikan dengan sikap populis (r = 0,231, p < 0,01). Selain itu, resentment memiliki efek mediasi parsial yang signifikan terhadap hubungan GRD dengan sikap populis (β = 0,06, SE = 0,04). Dapat disimpulkan bahwa GRD dapat memprediksi sikap populis dan hubungan tersebut dimediasi oleh resentment. Penelitian ini melengkapi kerumpangan hasil penelitian tentang hubungan antara GRD terhadap sikap populis dengan resentment sebagai mediator, serta mengetahui faktor afektif yang berhubungan dengan sikap populis. Hasil dari penelitian ini juga dapat bermanfaat bagi publik agar mendasarkan penentuan keberpihakan dan dukungan politik dengan lebih kritis dan rasional, bukan dilandaskan oleh narasi kampanye yang mempolitisasi perasaan kekurangan dari rakyat dan kemarahan rakyat semata.

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Populism has developed in various countries in the last two decades, including in Indonesia. Most of the research related to populism in Indonesia has focused on political figures and only a few have focused on social psychology factors. This study aims to determine the relationship between group relative deprivation (GRD), resentment, and populist attitudes, as well as the role of mediating resentment on the relationship between GRD and populist attitudes. Respondents totaled 180 people, 38,3% male and 61,7% female with an mean age of 30 years (SD = 10.30). The results showed that GRD had a significant positive relationship with populist attitudes (r = 0.182, p < 0.05) and resentment (r = 0.15, p < 0.05). Resentment was found to be significantly and positively related to populist attitudes (r = 0.231, p < 0.01). In addition, resentment has a significant partial mediating effect on the relationship between GRD and populist attitudes (β = 0.06, SE = 0.04). It can be concluded that GRD can predict populist attitudes and the relationship is mediated by resentment. This study completes the gap in research results on the relationship between GRD on populist attitudes and resentment as a mediator, as well as looking at affective factors related to populist attitudes. The results of this research can also be useful for the public in order to base their determination on political alignments and support more critically and rationally, instead of being based on campaign narratives that politicize the people's feelings of inadequacy and people's anger alone.

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"This study discusses the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang in the 1950s. In the official narratives of Indonesian history, the political turbulence in Palembang that occurred in the mid-1950s is often associated with a regional Army commander-led rebellion. This research instead finds that Islamic groups played a crucial role in developing the preliminary conditions before the military group took the initiative to pull the trigger. Islamic groups, through their network of ulama, tried to unite all groups opposed to Jakarta’s leadership and communism to incorporate under one umbrella of political identity: Islam. We determine that the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang was caused by multiple grievances: economic decline, redistribution of welfare to the region, the exclusion of Islamic groups, and the fear of communism. However, Islamic populism only succeeded in uniting factions in the Islamic community but failed to reach other groups because of the social cleavages from previous feuds."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai strategi yang dilakukan oleh Joko Widodo dalam menghadapi Pilkada Kota Solo tahun 2010-2015. Permasalahan yang dipaparkan dalam penelitian ini melihat upaya yang dilakukan Jokowi dalam memperoleh kemenangan kembali pada Pilkada Solo 2010 dengan melihat berbagai kebijakan pro rakyat yang ditawarkan oleh Jokowi di periode sebelumnya. Fokus dari penelitian ini menjelaskan pengaruh kebijakan populis yang selama ini dilakukan oleh Jokowi dalam persiapan beliau menghadapi Pilkada Kota Solo. Hal menarik dalam penelitian ini, penulis akan menjelaskan bagaimana fenomena kepimpinan populis Jokowi di Kota Solo yang dianggap bentuk baru dari seorang pemimpin. Jokowi melakukan kunjungan langsung ke sejumlah tempat untuk memperoleh informasi langsung terkait permasalahan di lapangan. Penulis menggunakan teori populism. Populisme merupakan paham yang menjelaskan sebuah kondisi politik yang menempatkan masyarakat atau rakyat biasa di posisi utama. Keabsahan politik terletak pada rakyat. Populisme hadir atas ketidakpuasan masyarakat terhadap pemerintahan sebelumnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan melakukan studi literature dari berbagai sumber, baik buku, jurnal, maupun media online lainnya. Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah kebijakan pro rakyat yang selama ini dilakukan oleh Jokowi ternyata mampu meningkatkan elektabilitas Jokowi pada Pilkada Solo 2010. Mengacu pada persentase perolehan suara pasangan Jokowi – Rudy yang meningkat tajam hingga 90,09 % dari Pilkada periode sebelumnya. Masyarakat menilai jokowi sebagai bagian dari mereka, dan mampu mengakomodasi kepentingan rakyat demi kesejahteraan masyarakatnya.

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This research discusses about the strategy carried out by Joko Widodo in facing the election for mayor of Solo in 2010-2015. The problem described in this research is see the efforts made by Jokowi in regaining victory in election for mayor of solo 2010 by looking at various pro-poor people policies offered by Jokowi in the previous period. The focus of this research explains the influence of populist policies that have been carried out by Jokowi in his preparation for election of Solo. The interesting thing in this research, the writer will explain how the phenomenon of Jokowi’s populist leadership in Solo is considered a new form of leader. Jokowi visited many places to obtain direct information regarding problems in the field. The author uses populism theory. Populism is an understanding that explains a political condition that places the public or ordinary people in the main position. Political legitimacy lies with the people. Populism is present on the public’s dissatisfaction with the previous government. This research uses qualitative approach method by conducting literature studies from various sources, including books, journals, and other online sources. The findings of this study are that the pro-poor people policies that have been carried out by Jokowi have been able to increase Jokowi’s electability in the election for mayor of Solo 2010. Referring to the percentage of votes acquired by Jokowi – Rudy pair, which increased sharply to 90.09 % from the previous election. People see Jokowi as part of them, and able to accommodate the importance of the welfare of the people."

"The fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime and the subsequent dissolution of vertical political patronage led to an upsurge of mass mobilization based on religion and/or ethnicity. In Jakarta, newly emerged vigilante groups that initially sought to represent small-scale neighborhood communities rapidly grew in size by receiving endorsements from local political authorities as well as by gaining extensive popular support. Despite their persistent association with violence and illicitness in popular discourse, some of those vigilante groups quickly increased their membership to hundreds of thousands. Highlighting the activities of the Forum Betawi Rempug (FBR), one of the biggest of these groups, this paper explains the causes, processes, and consequences of its expansion. The nature of the Betawi ethnic identity that has been constructed over decades, as well as an alternative mode of populist discourse that became prevalent in Jakarta during the last couple of decades, were the key background conditions through which such groups expanded in both size and geographic reach. These conditions also led to a loosely disciplined and highly autonomous organizational structure. An explanation of this process calls for a radical revision of the conventional model of ethnic mobilization that takes for granted disciplined organization and hierarchical control. In contemporary Jakarta, successful mass mobilization is not the sheer result of people’s response to populist calls. Attention must be paid to the logic of the mobilized in order to explain why vigilante organizations have been able to gain popular support despite their notorious reputation. This paper investigates the perspectives of the mobilized by focusing on neighborhood-level activities of the FBR. In so doing, it exemplifies how some residents perceive the FBR as a provider of potential socioeconomic resources for the enhancement of their life environment."

"Beberapa tahun terakhir, populisme menjadi fenomena politik yang terjadi di berbagai negara di dunia, tak terkecuali di Indonesia. Hal ini dapat dilihat pada fenomena politik menjelang kontestasi Pilkada 2017 DKI Jakarta. Hadirnya kelompok massa yang menamakan dirinya sebagai Aksi Bela Islam membentuk populisme yang dilandaskan pada agama Islam, yang kemudian disebut dengan populisme Islam di Indonesia. Hal ini dapat dilihat sebagai instrumen penting atas terjadinya krisis representasi dalam perkembangan demokrasi representatif di Indonesia. Meski begitu, alih-alih menjadi jawaban atas krisis representasi yang ada, dampak dari hal ini justru dapat menimbulkan krisis representasi bagi warganegara yang bukan merupakan bagian kelompok tersebut, serta berpotensi menjadi penghambat atas perkembangan demokrasi. Guna merespons hal tersebut, penulis akan mengangkat demokrasi deliberatif demi menjaga nilai-nilai demokrasi atas hadirnya populisme Islam di Indonesia.

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ABSTRACTIn recent years, populism has become a political phenomenon that occurs in various countries in the world, including in Indonesia. This can be seen in the political phenomenon ahead of the regional election 2017 DKI Jakarta.. The presence of a mass group that calling itself the Action to Defend Islam formed populism based on Islam, which is later called Islamic populism in Indonesia. This can be seen as an important instrument for the crisis of representation in the development of representative democracy in Indonesia. Even so, instead of being the answer to the existing crisis of representation, the impact of this can actually create a crisis of representation for citizens who are not part of that group, and have the potential to become an obstacle to the development of democracy. In response to this, the author will raise deliberative democracy in order to maintain democratic values over the presence of Islamic populism in Indonesia."

"Women in politics invariably attract heightened levels of attention due to their marked difference to the masculine political norm. With the rise of social media and online news, political women can achieve visibility, but also experience even more intense scrutiny. Former first lady, Ani Yudhoyono became an iconic figure in the lead up to the 2014 Indonesian presidential election, through her association with her husband’s flailing presidency, and as a high-profile political woman involved in social media blunders. Using critical discourse analysis, specifically social actor analysis, this paper examines the discursive strategies engaged by the mainstream Indonesian online news media to malign Ani Yudhoyono, and draw a wedge between her and the Indonesian public, which in turn undermined her husband’s presidency. The analysis highlights the role of online news media discourse in shaping power relations and ideological groupings, as well as the role of first lady as a target of political contestation."

"Kemunculan populisme meningkat dalam beberapa tahun terakhir di Indonesia. Sebagian besar penelitian mengenai populisme di Indonesia berfokus pada tokoh politik dan masih sedikit penelitian yang dilakukan pada level pemilih. Penelitian ini melihat peran national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism sebagai prediktor dukungan terhadap populisme di Indonesia. Hasil analisis data terhadap 331 partisipan dengan rentang usia 19-71 tahun (M = 30, SD = 12.8) menggunakan multiple regression menunjukkan bahwa national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism memprediksi dukungan terhadap populisme di Indonesia. Penelitian ini juga melihat hubungan national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism dengan dukungan terhadap calon presiden pada Pilpres 2019. Analisis data terhadap 301 partisipan menggunakan independent samples t-test menunjukkan tingkat religious collective narcissism yang lebih tinggi pada pemilih Prabowo Subianto dibandingkan pemilih Joko Widodo. Hasil penelitian mengindikasikan bahwa national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism memengaruhi dukungan terhadap kebijakan maupun politisi populis, dan religious collective narcissism berpotensi memengaruhi pilihan politik warga Indonesia.

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The emergence of populism has increased in recent years in Indonesia. Most research on populism in Indonesia focused on political figures, but less research had been done at the voter level. This study investigated the role of national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism as predictors of support towards populism in Indonesia. The results of data analysis on 331 participants with an age range of 19-71 years (M = 30, SD = 12.8) using multiple regression showed that national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism predicted support towards populism in Indonesia. This study also looked at the relationship between national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism with support for presidential candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election. Data analysis of 301 participants using independent samples t-test showed that the level of religious collective narcissism was higher in Prabowo Subianto voters than Joko Widodo voters. The results of the study indicated that national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism influenced support for populist policies or politicians, and religious collective narcissism has the potential to influence the political choices of Indonesian citizens."