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"Penelitian ini dilatar belakangi oleh fenomena tentang elektabilitas partai-partai politik Islam (PKS, PPP, PAN, dan PKB) yang semakin menurun dalam setiap pemilu. Hal tersebut ditandai dengan perolehan suara di pemilu yang cenderung tidak mengalami peningkatan yang berarti. Dengan menggunakan teori triad koalisi dari Theodore Caplow (1956) yang membahas tentang size of party power sebagai dasar pembentukkan koalisi dan penentuan posisi daya tawar politik anggota koalisi, teori tentang arena koalisi dari Heywood dan Arendt Liphart yang membahas tentang pentingnya kesamaan ideologi dalam koalisi, teori tentang tipologi partai politik dari Almond yang dikaitkan dengan konsep tentang partai Islam dari Vali Nasr, penelitian kualitatif ini menganalisis masalah yang berkaitan dengan konstruksi bangunan koalisi yang dibentuk (KIH dan KMP) dengan melihat posisi PKS, PPP, PAN dan PKB didalamnya. Dengan mengaitkan masalah tentang adanya kesamaan dasar nilai ideologi partai dan karaktaer basis massa yang sama, penelitian ini juga menganalisis masalah tentang penyebab partai partai politik Islam tidak membangun satu koalisi bersama untuk menghadapi Pemilihan Presiden 2014 untuk mengajukan tokoh politik Islam sebagai calon Presiden dan wakil presiden. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa orientasi policy seeking yang mengedepankan ideologi sebagai motivasi dalam membentuk koalisi, sudah tidak lagi dianggap penting. identifikasi kekuatan perolehan suara partai politik seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Caplow menjadi satu satunya strategi dalam pembentukkan koalisi. Akibatnya, pragmatisme semakin kuat dengan office seeking yang menjadi orientasi dalam berkoalisi, soliditas menjadi lemah dan partai politik bisa dengan mudah keluar masuk koalisi. Konflik internal partai, menjadi salah satu penyebab lemahnya daya tawar politik partai di dalam koalisi yang dimasuki karena dianggap mengancam elektabilitas capres dan cawapres yang diajukan. Tidak terbangunnya koalisi di antara partai politik Islam disebabkan karena orientasi ideologi yang berbeda, lebih dominannya pragmatisme politik dan tidak adanya figur elite politik Islam yang bisa menjadi pemersatu kekuatan Islam politik yang terpecah. Implikasi teoritis dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa size of party power seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Caplow dalam pembentukkan koalisi hanya dijadikan sebagai strategi untuk mengumpulkan kekuatan partai dalam kontestasi. Karakter massa dan latar belakang nilai ideologi yang sama tidak dimanfaatkan oleh partai politik untuk melakukan bargaining dalam internal koalisi dalam penentuan keputusan penting. Secara teoritis, seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Caplow, masing-masing anggota koalisi memiliki daya tawar berdasarkan besaran kekuatan suara yang dimiliki. Namun secara faktual, posisi tawar PKS, PPP dan PAN di KMP sangat minim dan lemah, Begitu juga dengan PKB di KIH, walau menjadi partai kedua terbesar di KIH, lemahnya daya tawar politik PKB membuat calon waki presiden yang diajukan PKB tidak diputuskan mendampingi Joko Widodo sebagai calon presiden

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This research is motivated by the phenomenon of the electability of Islamic political parties (PKS, PPP, PAN, and PKB) which is decreasing in every election. This is indicated by the number of votes in the general election which tends not to increase significantly. By using the triad coalition theory from Theodore Caplow (1956) which discusses the size of party power as the basis for forming coalitions and determining the political bargaining power position of coalition members, the theory about the coalition arena from Heywood and Arendt Liphart which discusses the importance of ideological similarities in coalitions, theory Regarding the typology of political parties from Almond associated with the concept of an Islamic party from Vali Nasr, this qualitative study analyzes problems related to the construction of the coalition buildings formed (KIH and KMP) by looking at the position of PKS, PPP, PAN and PKB in it. By linking the problem of the similarity of the basic ideological values ​​of the party and the same mass-based character, this study also analyzes the problem of why Islamic political parties did not build a coalition together to face the 2014 Presidential Election to nominate Islamic political figures as presidential and vice presidential candidates. This study found that the policy seeking orientation, which puts forward ideology as a motivation in forming coalitions, is no longer considered important. identification of the voting power of political parties as described by Caplow is the only strategy in forming coalitions. As a result, pragmatism is getting stronger with office seeking being the orientation in coalitions, solidity is getting weaker and political parties can easily enter and exit coalitions. Internal party conflicts are one of the causes of the weak political bargaining power of parties in the coalition entered because they are considered to threaten the electability of the proposed presidential and vice-presidential candidates. The non-establishment of coalitions among Islamic political parties is due to different ideological orientations, more dominant political pragmatism and the absence of Islamic political elite figures who can unify the forces of divided political Islam. The theoretical implication of this research shows that the size of party power as proposed by Caplow in forming a coalition is only used as a strategy to gather party power in the contestation. The character of the masses and the background of the same ideological values ​​are not used by political parties to bargain within the internal coalition in determining important decisions. Theoretically, as stated by Caplow, each member of the coalition has bargaining power based on the amount of voting power they have. But in fact, the bargaining position of PKS, PPP and PAN in KMP is minimal and weak. Likewise with PKB in KIH, despite being the second largest party in KIH, PKB's weak political bargaining power has prevented the vice presidential candidate proposed by PKB to accompany Joko Widodo as a presidential candidate."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai hubungan antara agen sosialisasi politik keagamaan terhadap identifikasi partai Islam, PKS, PPP, PKB, dan PAN, pada siswa anggota Rohani Islam di 13 SMA Negeri Kota Depok. Partai Islam mempunyai kemampuan untuk membentuk modal sosial melalui agen sosialisasi politik keagamaan dalam institusi agama, keluarga, dan media. Peneliti berusaha meneliti lebih lanjut dengan menggunakan teori identifikasi partai politik oleh Greene dan agen sosialisasi politik keagamaan dengan 3 dimensi, media, keluarga, dan institusi agama. Melalui uji statistik somers'D yang menempatkan agen sosialisasi politik keagamaan sebagai variabel bebas dan identifikasi partai Islam sebagai variabel dependen, didapati hasil 0,406 yang artinya kedua variabel mempunyai hubungan yang lemah. Peneliti juga menemukan bahwa identifikasi siswa Rohis terhadap PPP mempunyai hubungan dengan agen sosialisasi keluarga yang terjadi ketika orang tua responden mempunyai latar belakang aktif di Partai Islam. Kemudian identifikasi siswa terhadap PKS mempunyai hubungan dengan institusi agama atau Rohis melalui kegiatan mentoring.

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This study examines the relationship between the socialization agents of religious politics with Islamic party identification (PKS, PPP, PKB, and PAN) among students who are also Rohani Islam (Rohis) members in 13 SMA Negeri in Kota Depok. Islamic parties have the ability to form social capital through their socialization agents (of religious politics) within religious institutions, families, and the media. I attempted to examine further through the political party identification theory by Greene and socialization agents of religious politics in 3 dimensions: the media, families, and religious institutions. Analysis using the Somers’D statistical test, which places the socialization agents of religious politics as the independent variable and Islamic party identification as the dependent variable, yields the result of 0,0406, meaning that both the variables have a weak correlation. I found that the identification of Rohis students with PPP has a relationship with families as the socialization agent which occurs if the respondents’ parents are active in Islamic Parties. This study has also shown that the students’ identification with PKS has a relationship with religious institutions or Rohis through mentoring groups/activities."

"[ABSTRAKTujuan dari tesis ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh faktor-faktor identitasdan identifikasi politik masyarakat terhadap rendahnya perolehan suara parpol Islam. Selainitu juga untuk mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor perilaku apa saja dan interaksi politik parpolIslam seperti apa yang berpengaruh terhadap menurunnya elektabilitas, serta apakahperubahan landscape politik nasional dalam sejarah politik Indonesia berpengaruh terhadapstrategi parpol Islam untuk mengantisipasi penurunan elektabilitas tersebut.Pemilu 2014 menjadi potret terbaru bagaimana partai Islam kembali mengulangi sejarah yangsama, yakni tidak mampu mendobrak dominasi partai-partai nasionalis dalam perolehan suarapemilu di Indonesia. Kekalahan ini menghidupkan lagi wacana sekaligus perdebatanmengenai berakhirnya politik aliran di Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwapolitik aliran itu tidak betul-betul berakhir. Meskipun pengaruhnya terhadap pemilih tidaksekuat Pemilu 1955, namun politik aliran tetap bereksistensi. Tentu saja saat ini trikotomiGeertz, yang membagi umat Islam atas santri, priyayi, dan abangan, tidak terlalu relevan.Sebab, umat Islam sudah semakin rasional dalam memilih, tak terkecuali kaum santri. Di sisilain, partai politik sendiri cenderung bergeser ke tengah. Partai-partai nasionalis saat ini tidak“anti” Islam. Bahkan partai seperti PDIP, Gerindra, dan Golkar sudah punya sayap organisasiIslam. Sebaliknya, partai Islam seperti PPP dan PKS sudah sering menyatakan diri sebagaipartai terbuka, sebagai respon dari asumsi bahwa politik aliran sudah mencair dan bahkanberakhir. Selain persoalan tersebut, dalam tesis ini juga dikemukakan mengenai prospekpartai Islam, yang di antaranya dengan mengacu pada hasil suara partai Islam dalam Pemilu2014 dan posisinya ketika dikonfrontir dengan berbagai hasil survei yang menyebutkanbahwa partai Islam pasca Pemilu 2014 akan suram.Tesis ini menggunakan teori partai politik dan teori ideologi, bagaimana teori tersebutmelihat partai Islam di Indonesia. Konsep-konsep, baik dari Geertz yang membagi umatIslam di Jawa yang terdiri dari santri, abangan, dan priyayi, maupun dari Herbert Faith jugamenjadi salah satu pembanding, apakah konsep-konsep tersebut masih relevan dalam melihatpolitik aliran dalam Pemilu 2014.

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ABSTRACTThe purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity andpolitical identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. Inaddition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as towhat effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national politicallandscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties toanticipate the decline elektabilitas.Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history,which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote electionsin Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow inIndonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended.Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political streamremains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslimstudents, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students areincreasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the politicalparties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti"Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟swings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an openparty, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressedabout the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟svote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of manysurvey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak.This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theoriessee Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java,which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of thecomparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the2014 election, The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity andpolitical identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. Inaddition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as towhat effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national politicallandscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties toanticipate the decline elektabilitas.Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history,which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote electionsin Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow inIndonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended.Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political streamremains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslimstudents, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students areincreasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the politicalparties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti"Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟swings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an openparty, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressedabout the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟svote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of manysurvey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak.This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theoriessee Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java,which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of thecomparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the2014 election]"

"Tumbangnya orde baru membawa berkah bagi kader-kader dakwah yang dikenal dengan sebutan jamaah Tarbiyah. Berdasarkan hasil musyawarah, sebagian besar sepakat mensosialisasikan program dakwah melalui jalur partai yang kemudian dinamai Partai Keadilan. Mengingat partai sebagai kepanjangan dakwah, maka apa pun aktifitas dan kebijakan partai tak lepas dari dakwah yang merupakan urat nadi kader-kader yang masih relatif muda dan idealis ini. Sehingga program partai pun, benar-benar merupakan penjabaran dari misi visi dakwah yang dikemas dalam format yang lebih membumi dan modern. Membumi karena senantiasa menjauhi target-target politik yang mengawang serta lebih membaca realitas. Modern, sebab kendati yang diperjuangkan adalah Islam dan syariatnya, Partai Keadilan sama sekali tidak mengkultuskan warisan masa lalu sebagai bagian yang harus dihadirkan masa sekarang. Justru yang diperjuangkan Partai Keadilan adalah nilai-nilai universal Islam yang tercermin dalam keadilan, persamaan hak dan kewajiban, supremasi hukum, memerangi kezhaliman atas dalih apa pun dan memberantas kesewenangan yang kuat terhadap yang lemah atau tirani mayoritas kepada minoritas dan sebaliknya.Dalam tataran perjuangan nilai-nilai tersebut, Partai Keadilan pun menempuh segala celah yang bisa dijadikan pintu masuk nilai-nilai Islam, mulai dari pembinaan pribadi, pendidikan, sosial, politik, hingga melalui perjuangan legislasi dan konstituisionalisasi perundang-undangan. Cara yang ditempuh pun menjauhi sikap anarkis, brutal, kekerasan apalagi tindakan teror. Bagi kader-kader PK, tujuan yang baik harus melalui cara dan jalan yang baik pula. Satu cara fundamental yang ditempuh PK dalam penerapan perjuangan syariat Islam adalah, yang pertama dan paling utama menerapkannya dulu dalam individu personal kader Partai Keadilan sebelum menyuarakannya pada orang lain. Oleh karena itu, syariat Islam bukanlah bualan politik. Ia adalah sebuah nilai yang harus diterapkan dalam kehidupan.PK menyadari, jika syariat Islam benar-benar dipahami secara integral dan universal, maka tak kan ada kezhaliman terhadap wanita, non muslim atau praktek-praktek ketidakjujuran dalam segala tatarannya, baik dalam skala interaksi antar personal masyarakat maupun dalam skala negara. Sebaliknya, jika seseorang berbuat zalim apa pun itu, maka sebenarnya orang tersebut tidak sedang menjalankan syariat Islam, walaupun mungkin dalih yang digunakan berasal dari doktrin-doktrin suci agama. Sebuah pemahaman yang sangat diperlukan untuk menjadi solusi di tengah badai krisis moral di Indonesia dewasa.

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The fail of the New Order Era has brought a blessing unto the cadres of missionary activities as known by the denomination Jamaah Tarbiyah. On the foundation of deliberations, the majority agreed to popularize the program for propagation trough the instrument of the Justice Party. Considering that the party as the extension means for propagation which being the nerve of the cadres who are relatively still youthful and idealistic. So that even the party program really conveys the realization of the missionary vision of propagation contained in a more popular and modem format. Popular since it keeps itself away from political targets floating in the air of uncertainties. Modern since what is being struggled for is Islam and its law.

The Justice Party never mad as cult of past heritance as a part of its presence in contemporary affairs. Whereas exactly what is being aimed for bay the Justice Party are the values of the universal Islam which is reflected in justice, equality in rights and obligations, the supremacy of the law, the fight against tyranny on the precepts of whatever case and the combat against despotism wrought by the powerful against the weak or the tyranny of the majority toward the minority and otherwise.

Within the concepts of such values the Justice Party even strides all openings which can serve as an avenue for the values of Islam, starting with the self-training, education, social-politic up to the struggle in the legislative ranks for constitutionalization of laws. The method to be adopted even distance anarchy, brutality, violence or even more terror. For the Justice Party cadres the good purposes should also be conducted by decent ways. One fundamental method which should be endeavored by the Justice Party in the struggle for the laws of Islam are, firstly and principally should done primarily among the individual cadres of the Justice Party before propagandizing it toward other people. Therefore, the Islamic Law should not be political big talking. This is one value that must be enacted in everyday life.

The Justice Party realizes that, if the Islamic Law is exactly integrally and universally comprehended, there will be no despotism against women, non-Muslims or unfair practices within its ranks. Whether on the level of internal interactions of the communal personality on the level of state affairs. Otherwise, if anyone conducts whatever despotic actions, he in fact does not follow the Islamic Law, event though under the pretences of the holy religious doctrines. A seriously needed understanding for the solution in the midst of the storm of moral crisis in Indonesia nowadays."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengapa mayoritas penduduk di Indonesia beragama Islam, namun partai-partai Islam tidak pernah menang. Dari literatur sebelumnya dijelaskan peran struktur negara pada masa Orde Baru dan elit politik Islam yang tidak kredibel membuat pemilih muslim lebih memilih partai lain (partai non-Islam). Sementara dalam penelitian ini lebih melihat perilaku pemilih muslimnya. Faktor sosiologis yang meliputi ritual ibadah, keterlibatan dalam kelompok sosialkeagamaan, dan orientasi Islam politik berhubungan dengan pilihan politik muslim dan menyebabkan adanya aliran politik. Selain itu, pada faktor psikologis, adanya hubungan afeksi atau kedekatan partai dan tokoh dengan pilihan politik muslim. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kuantitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui survey. Jumlah sampel dalam penelitian ini sebesar 100 pemilih muslim yang berasal dari partai politik yang berbeda. Penarikan sampel menggunakan cluster random sampling. Dari hasil penelitian ditemukan bahwa faktor sosiologis yang meliputi ritual ibadah, keterlibatan dalam kelompok sosial-keagamaan, dan orientasi Islam politik memiliki hubungan dengan perilaku memilih. Sementara faktor psikologis yang meliputi afeksi partai dan afeksi tokoh tidak memiliki hubungan dengan perilaku memilih.

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This study discusses why the majority of the population in Indonesia are Muslims, but the Islamic parties have never won. From the literature previously described the role of state structures in the New Order and the political elite of Islam is not credible make Muslim voters prefer the other party, while this research is looking at the behavior of Muslim voters. Sociological factors which include the ritual of worship, involvement in socio-religious groups, and the orientation of political Islam have relationship with political choice of muslim voters and make a political cleavages in islamic societies. Moreover, in the psychological factors, including affection of parties and leader have relationship with political choice of muslim voters. This study uses a quantitative method with data collection through surveys. The number of samples is 100 Muslim voters who come from different political parties. Sampling using cluster random sampling. From the research found that the sociological factors that include rituals, involvement in socioreligious groups, and the orientation of political Islam have relationship with voting behavior. While psychological factors that include affection of party and leader have no relationship with voting behavior."

"ABSTRACTThis paper focused on the development of the AK Party (Adelet ve Kalkinma Partisi) in Turkey. The AK Party is a long established Islamic political party in Turkey which had won the 2002, 2007, 2011, and 2015 elections. Turkey is a country that adopting the secular system, a system that had been guarded by the military. This situation made Islamic parties, such as the AK Party, had to rethink their strategy, in order to survive Turkey's political system.This research is a qualitative research with case study method. The theory that used in this research is social movement theory which based on; political participation structure, resources mobilization, and framing process. This research showed that the development of the AK Party political movement is depend on the transformation of the Islamic political movement in Turkey. This transformation reflected on the perception that AK Party is a Liberal Democracy Party which accepting free market, universal human rights, and pluralism."

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang penurunan perolehan suara PKB pada pemilihan umum 2009. PKB merupakan partai yang memiliki ikatan moral dan historis dengan Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) yang merupakan organisasi kemasyarakatan islam terbesar di Indonesia. Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) merupakan salah satu pendiri PKB dan pernah memiliki peranan penting dalam tubuh partai sampai kemudian tersingkir dari kepengurusan PKB secara struktural pada tahun 2008 akibat konflik internal partai. Pada pemilu 2009 suara PKB mengalami penurunan yang begitu besar dibandingkan dengan dua pemilu sebelumnya pada tahun 1999 dan 2004 yang berhasil menjadi partai islam terbesar di Indonesia dari segi perolehan suara. Hal ini tentu tidak lepas dari konflik internal partai yang terus menerus terjadi serta kinerja PKB sebagai partai politik itu sendiri.

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This thesis discusses the decreasing of PKB’s electoral vote in the 2009 elections. PKB is a party that has a moral and historical ties with the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) which is the largest Islamic mass organizations in Indonesia. Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) was one of the founders of PKB and has an important role within the party until then knocked out of the stewardship from PKB structurally in 2008 due to internal party conflict. In the 2009 general election PKB’s electoral vote decreased so large compared to the two previous elections in 1999 and 2004 who managed to become Indonesia's largest Islamic party in terms of votes. It is certainly ties with the party's internal conflicts that continue to occur and the lack performanceof PKB itself as a political party."