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"Relation between Islam and politics in several cities in Indonesia show significant changes. If in the pas political identity which want to appear by moslem is emphasized with a vengeance, in reform with the implementation of regional autonomy, a number of cities with a population of Islam began to reveal their moslem identity collectively. It can be seen from a number of cities which demanding syariah formalization such as district Bireun (Aceh), Tangerang district (Banten), Indramayu district (West Java), Tasikmalaya (West Java), Bulukumba (South Celebes), to Bima (NTB) etc. Institusionalization pf political identity which was carried by pioneers moslems that range to the will of formalizing Islamic rules into the public space. However, if we make a categorization about syariah Islam formalization, will soon be known that there are two opposing groups."

"ABSTRACTIdentity politics promoted by the 212 Movement has led to increased intolerance in society. This study captured this problem through the perspective of Emmanuel Levinas Ethics. According to Levinas, the act of intolerance occurs because we see the Other, not with ideas, ideologies, teachings, doctrines, interests, and religion that should be upheld above all things. Our attachment to the ideas we has about others often makes us fail to treat them as humans because we are prevented from encountering them directly. For this reason, this study aims to find out the negative consequences caused by the 212 Movement through the philosophical perspective of Emmanuel Levinas ethics. With descriptive methods, literature study, and a qualitative approach, the results of the study showed that identity politics carried out by the 212 Movement could not be justified in ethical relations. The 212 Movement saw other human beings as objects that can be used to achieve their personal or group goals. The movement has controlled and exploited their fellow believers, and not reluctant to carry out hateful propaganda to people outside their group. Levinas ethical relations open a new type of relations that are different from idea-based relations. Encountering others makes us realize that they are not merely skin, flesh, and blood that can be destroyed just like that."

"Disertasi ini menganalisis rivalitas elite dalam konflik etno-religius yang timbuul saat pemekaran daerah di Mamasa, Sulawesi Barat. Pada 2002, sebagai bagian dari kerangka besar kebijakan otonomi, Mamasa menjadi daerah otonom, dimekarkan dari Kabupaten Polmas. Dalam pelaksanaannya muncul perbedaan antara kelompok pro dan kelompok kontra pemekaran. Rivalitas kelompok pro versus kelompok kontra semakin runyam karena merepresentasikan kontestasi antara kabupaten induk versus kabupaten pemekaran Kabupaten Polmas mendukung kelompok kontra yang ingin tetap bergabung dengan kabupaten induk. Sebaliknya Kabupaten Mamasa memberi dukungan kepada kelompok pro. Rivalitas dua kelompok tersebut menimbulkan kekacauan dalam sistem pemerintahan karena terjadi dualisme pemerintahan, yang membuat penyelenggaraan pemerintahan tidak berjalan normal sehingga mengganggu pelayanan publik.Penelitian disertasi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Data lapangan diperoleh melalui teknik wawancara mendalam, observasi lapangan, dan data sekunder. Berbagai studi menunjukkan bahwa otonomi dapat memicu konflik karena persaingan elite dalam perebutan posisi-posisi politik, sumber daya ekonomi, dan ruang kekuasaan lainnya. Namun, berbeda dengan studi-studi literatur sebelumnya yang lebih bertumpu pada konflik politik atau konflik etnik, penelitian ini menunjukkan politisasi identitas etno-religius sebagai instrumen yang menimbulkan konflik antara dua etnik berbeda agama, Mandar-Islam versus Toraja-Kristen. Pemekaran daerah mengubah konstelasi dominasi sosio-politik. Mandar-Islam yang mayoritas berubah menjadi minoritas, sebaliknya Toraja-Kristen yang tadinya minoritas menjadi mayoritas.Rivalitas elite memperebutkan ruang kekuasaan di daerah otonom baru dengan menggunakan politik identitas yaitu sentimen identitas etno-religius berdasar perubahan konstelasi dominasi dan hegemoni sosio-politik di Mamasa. Akibatnya, orang Mandar-Islam (orang PUS) menolak pemekaran yang dianggap sebagai bentuk proyek Kristenisasi. Menurut Fox (1999), apabila kerangka religius yang ditantang maka responnya adalah sikap defensif yang cenderung konflik. Sebab, agama menyangkut sistem kepercayaan yang mengandung ketaatan pada nilai-nilai, memiliki standar dan tata aturan, membangun kohesivitas di antara penganutnya, sekaligus melegitimasi setiap tindakan para aktornya.

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Pemekaran daerah which literally means territorial split or administrative fragmentation whereby new provinces and districts are created by dividing existing ones and which ironically strengthens the sense of identity based on race, ethnic group, religion, and other communal identity is one that triggers such conflicts. This study discusses the rivalry of the elites in the ethno-religious conflicts that erupted during the process of territorial split of Mamasa district of West Sulawesi, Indonesia, in 2002. Mamasa, which was once part of the mother district of Polmas, was established into an autonomous district. Not only was the district divided but people in this region also had differing opinion on the idea of territorial split. Supporters of the administrative fragmentation were dubbed pro while opponents were called kontra. The conflict between the two factions had escalated because the conflict itselt was also the representation of conflict between the mother district and the newly-established district. The government of Polmas ditrict was with the kontra while the government of Mamasa gave their full support for the pro. The rivalry between the two parties had brought chaos to the government system. The government was divided (government dualism).This research uses qualitative method. The data were collected through in-depth interviews, field observations, and secondary data. Studies reveal that autonomy is the potential cause of conflicts because it allows for competition among the contending elites who fight for political positions, economic resources, and other aspects of power. Unlike previous literature studies that put an emphasis on political conflicts and ethnic conflicts, this research focuses on ethno-religious conflicts involving two contending ethnic groups practicing two different religions: the Mandar who are predominantly Muslims and the Toraja who are Christians. The territorial split has indeed changed the socio-political constellation. The Mandar who was once the dominant ethnic group is now a minority and the Toraja have now become the dominant ethnic group.The competition among elites in the newly-established autonomous district by using the sentiment of ethno-religious identity has changed the constellation of socio-political hegemony and domination in Mamasa. As a result, the Muslim-Mandar (the PUS people) voiced their opposition to the territorial split which they consider part of Christian mission. Fox (1999) states that when a religious framework is challenged, the response will be the defensive action that is prone to conflict. This is due to the fact that religion is a belief system that organizes adherents to the values, has standards and norms, builds cohesiveness among its followers, and legitimate the actors."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji politik identitas dengan 3 pendekatan, yaitu Primordialisme (karakteristik personal, dan latar belakang politik), Konstruktivisme (citra diri, dan kredibilitas), dan Instrumentalisme (manajemen kampanye) terhadap peluang kemenangan pada pilpres 2019. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan metode kuantitatif dengan kuesioner sebagai instrument untuk penghimpunan data dan pengolahan data menggunakan anaisis regresi logistik. Data terdiri dari 300 responden millennials yang memiliki media sosial dan juga menggunakan hak pilihnya pada pilpres 2019. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan terdapat pengaruh positif yang signifikan secara parsial citra diri, kredibilitas, dan manajemen kampanye terhadap peluang kemenangan. Sedangkan terdapat pengaruh negative yang signifikan secara parsial latar belakang politik terhadap peluang kemenangan. Tidak ada pengaruh yang signifikan karakteristik personal dengan peluang kemenangan. Terdapat 7 skenario dan 4 strategi yang paling unggul untuk digunakan sebagai rekomendasi strategi pemenangan untuk target pemilih millennials dan memiliki sosial media. Strategi terkuat adalah menggunakan gabungan strategi politik identitas konstruktivisme dan instrumentalisme dengan nilai peluang kemenengan sebesar 0.92.

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This study aims to examine identity politics with 3 approaches, namely Primordialism (personal characteristics, and political background), Constructivism (self-image, and credibility), and Instrumentalism (campaign management) on the chances of victory in the 2019 presidential election. This research method uses the method of Quantitative questionnaire as an instrument for data collection and data processing using logistic regression analysis. The data consisted of 300 millennials respondents who owned social media and also used their right to vote in the 2019 presidential election. The results show that there was a significant positive effect partially on self-image, credibility, and campaign management chances of victory. While there is a significant negative influence partially on political background chances of victory. There is no significant influence of personal characteristics with the chance of victory. There are 7 scenarios and 4 of the most superior strategies to be used as a winning strategy recommendation for millennials and social media voters. by combining constructivism and instrumentalism strategies will be the best strategy with a winning opportunity value of 0.92."

"Tesis ini membahas kajian terhadap fenomena asimilasi dan akulturasi kebudayaan diaspora Maroko di Belanda. Diaspora Maroko di Belanda merupakan kaum imigran yang telah bermigrasi ke Belanda sejak periode 1940 hingga 1960 tepatnya pasca Perang Dunia II mampu memberikan pengaruh besar di Belanda, terutama dalam bidang politik dan kebudayaan yang multikultural. Kebijakan Integrasi dan Partisipasi kaum imigran Maroko di Belanda merupakan faktor yang mempengaruhi fenomena asimilasi dan akulturasi budaya, sehingga erat kaitannya dengan perkembangan politik identitas dan politik kebudayaan, khususnya tercermin melalui pemberitaan di penulisan teks populer, penulisan karya sastra dan film. Motif berupa harapan mendapatkan pekerjaan lebih mudah demi meraih kehidupan yang lebih baik dan menghindari konflik yang sifatnya mengancam stabilitas negara asal mereka merupakan penyebab yang memicu kehadiran imigran Maroko di benua Eropa. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif-kualitatif yang menggunakan studi pustaka, literatur ilmiah, teks sastra, hasil wawancara, dokumentasi, dan observasi yang dibatasi dari masa setelah Perang Dunia hingga saat ini yang berkenaan adanya kebijakan di Belanda terkait migrasi sebagai teknik pemerolehan data.

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This thesis is a study of the phenomenon of assimilation and acculturation of Moroccan diaspora culture in The Netherlands. The Moroccan Diaspora in The Netherlands are immigrants who had migrated to The Netherlands from 1940s to the 1960s precisely after World War II, which were able to exert a great influence in The Netherlands, especially in the field of multicultural politics and culture. The Policy of Integration and Participation of Moroccan immigrants in The Netherlands is a factor influencing phenomenon of cultural assimilation and acculturation, so that it is closely related to the development of identity politics and cultural politics, particularly reflected through reporting in popular text writing, literary and film writing. The motive in form of the hope to getting job easier to achieve a better life and avoid conflicts that are threatening the stability of their home countries is a cause that triggers the presence of Moroccan immigrants on the European continent. This research uses a descriptive-qualitative method that uses scientific literature, literary text, interviews, documentation, and observations that are restricted from the period after World War to the present which are related to the policies in The Netherlands regarding migration as a data collection technique."

"Indonesia is a plural society that consists of several hundred ethnic and sub-ethnic groups. One of its generic characteristics is heterogeneity. In the last ten years after the implementation of regional autonomy, we have witnessed the emergence of strong ethnic and religiously flavoured local identity politics in various places in Indonesia that created open and vicious conflicts. This periodical violence exploded especially during the election of district and provincial heads. The intimate relation multiculturalism, with the actual political praxis of everyday life as an alternative to the existing paradigm of the ?homogenization? of nationhood, has not been discussed. I believe it is time to discuss the strategic junctures between heterogeneity, politics of ethnicity (and religion) and multiculturalism as well as their possible realization at the local and national levels in order to find a viable framework for a future Indonesia."

"Konflik bersenjata adalah salah satu titik perubahan terpenting yang dapat ditemukan sepanjang sejarah umat manusia. Berbeda dengan konflik bersenjata di masa lalu yang bersifat simetris antar-negara, konflik bersenjata modern kini memiliki karakter yang lebih asimetris, mengikutsertakan aktor internasional non-negara, dan condong terhadap isu identitas. Terlepas dari transisi bentuk konflik tersebut, properti budaya selalu hadir dalam perang besar sehingga menandakan bahwa benda-benda bersejarah ini memiliki peran penting dalam konflik. Publikasi Konvensi Den Haag UNESCO 1954 juga mengkatalisasi rezim perlindungan properti budaya internasional yang kini terus menjadi bagian dari wacana perang modern. Dengan menganalisis 77 dokumen yang diakui Scopus menggunakan software VosViewer, paparan ini mengelompokkan empat tema inti yang ditemukan dalam perkembangan kajian Properti Budaya dalam Konflik Bersenjata menggunakan metode taksonomi. Tema-tema inti tersebut adalah (1) definisi properti budaya lintas budaya; (2) peran dan makna properti budaya dalam konflik bersenjata; (3) norma properti budaya dan etika perang lintas zaman, dan (4) tanggapan aktor internasional. Studi ini menunjukkan bahwa properti budaya sungguh memiliki nilai dan peran berlapis dalam konflik bersenjata, dan bahwa perlindungannya sangat penting di hadapan hak asasi manusia. Sayangnya, perbincangan tentang properti budaya dari masa kolonial, serta tulisan-tulisan dari negara jajahan dan source countries, masih tertutup oleh akademisi Barat. Terlepas dari semua terobosan signifikan dalam hukum properti budaya internasional, masih terdapat banyak hal yang dapat dikembangkan oleh rezim ini dalam menanggapi konflik bersenjata modern dan aktor-aktornya yang relevan. Penting bagi wacana ini untuk berkembang secara mandiri di luar kasus-kasus konflik bersenjata empiris.

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Armed conflicts are one of society’s most defining points that can be found throughout history. Different with conflicts in the past that were more symmetric in nature and fought between nations, modern armed conflicts are now more asymmetric manner with the addition of non-state international actors and issues regarding identity. Despite this change, cultural property seems to always be present in big wars, hence signalling that these historical objects play an essential role in conflicts. The publication of UNESCO's 1954 Convention of Den Haag also catalysed the international cultural property protection regime that is now constantly part of the modern warfare discourse. By analysing 77 documents acknowledged by Scopus using a software called VosViewer, this exposé taxonomically identifies the four core themes found in the development of the Cultural Property in Armed Conflict study, namely: (1) the definition of cultural property crossculture; (2) the role and value of cultural property in armed conflicts; (3) cultural property norms and warfare ethics cross-periods, and (4) responses from international actors. This study shows that cultural property truly has multi-layered values and roles in armed conflicts, and that its protection is essential in the eyes of human rights. Unfortunately, conversations regarding cultural properties from the colonial eras, as well as writings from colonies and source countries, are still overshadowed by Western academicians. Despite all the significant breakthroughs in international cultural property law, there are still many ways that this regime can be further developed in responding to modern armed conflicts and their relevant actors. It is vital for this discourse to develop independently outside of the empirical armed conflict cases."

"In the communication of pain, language matters. Telling someone to feel pain is not just a description of one’s pain, it is – as philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein informs us – also asking for recognition of that pain. This requires a shared language which communicates it. Do we need a new language which can communicate and recognize the pain of the colonial past more effectively? Commencing with the recent apology for waging “a colonial war” in Indonesia by the Dutch prime minister, this article suggests an intervention in postcolonial recognition politics by exploring the idea of the multi-voicedness. Multi-voicedness (Meerstemmigheid) has become a catchword in current public and scholarly debates about the Dutch colonial past and its legacy, in which decades of recognition politics have tended to privilege clear-cut binary identities favouring certain voices above others. There is little conceptual clarity around what the term multi-voicedness entails and even less about its utility in postcolonial discourse. Although commonly associated with juxtaposing different perspectives, this article argues that introducing the lens of multi-voicedness – more specifically the idea of the dialogical self (Hubert J.M. Hermans 2004) – into the recognition discourse, contributes to a better understanding of transnational recognition politics. Capturing the diaspora’s multi-voicedness permits wider scrutiny of what is otherwise a too simplified identity and generation question implicated in post-colonial recognition politics. It will be argued that recognition claims, although supposedly part of an emancipatory struggle, are silencing the multi-voicedness of entangled Indonesian-Dutch family history, the driver for the fight for justice in the first place."

"Skripsi ini membahas pemikiran Amartya Sen tentang multi-identitas. Dengan sifatnya yang multi, identitas dapat menjadi sumber kesejahteraan dan ancaman. Rasa persamaan identitas dapat memberi sumbangan berarti bagi kehidupan kelompok. Namun, rasa keterikatan yang kuat pada satu kelompok dapat mengandung di dalamnya persepsi tentang jarak dan keterpisahan dengan kelompok lain. Individu akan terjebak dalam kolektivisme. Anggapan bahwa identitas kelompok adalah satu-satunya identitas individu, membuka jalan lahirnya politik identitas. Kebenaran harus dipastikan pada satu kelompok dengan menolak eksistensi kelompok lain. Penolakan tersebut dapat terwujud dalam tindak kekerasan. Solusi atas persoalan ini adalah meningkatkan kapabilitas kebebasan bernalar. Melalui kebebasan bernalar, setiap individu terarah untuk terbuka terhadap kepelbagaian yang ada. Penalaran publik yang berlangsung dalam praktik demokrasi dan imparsialitas dapat ditempuh untuk merealisasikan kebutuhan tersebut.

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This study discusses about the thought of Amartya Sen of multi-identity. By its multi, the identity can be a source of the threat and the prosperity. The equality of identity can give significant contribution to the group’s life. However, a strong sense of interest to the particular group implies the perception of distance and the separation to other groups. The individual will be trapped to collectivism. The assumption that the group identity is the only individual identity can cause the identity politics. The truth must be ascertained in a particular group by denying the existence of other groups. Violence is the manifestation of the rejection. The solution of this problem is increasing the freedom of reasoning capabilities. Through the freedom of reasoning, any individual is opened to the existing diversity. The public reason which takes place in the practice of democracy and impartiality can be taken to realize those needs."