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"Traditional explanations for the electoral strength of independents (non-partisan candidates and seat-winners) both in Japan and elsewhere have focused on electoral rules, socio-demographic factors, and political culture. These analyses do not adequately address why Japanese local candidates, particularly conservatives, have tended to actively avoid partisan labels despite being affiliated to national parties. Nor does it explain the considerable variation in the number of independents over time where institutional and sociological factors remain largely constant. The article identifies two other factors, under-developed theoretically in existing literature, which discourages partisan affiliation at local level in Japan: (a) the effect of the unpopularity of parties at the national level on the behavior of local candidates; and (b) the partisan affiliation of directly elected local chief executives. These claims are substantiated by observations of local candidate behavior when the party in national government is unpopular and when the local chief executive is non-partisan."

"ABSTRAKDalam Penelitian ini terdapat dua permasalahan yakni: 1) Bagaimanakah persoalan pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye dalam pemilihan umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden?; 2) Bagaimanakah penataan sistem pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye yang ideal untuk mewujudkan pemilu yang berintegritas? Jenis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum normatif. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan kelembagaan penyelenggara pemilu di Indonesia sudah bersifat mandiri, namun desain pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye memiliki banyak kelemahan. Sehingga penelitian ini menemukan 6 (enam) kelemahan dalam sistem pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye dalam pemilu presiden di Indonesia. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan berbagai celah kelemahan dalam aturan yang menciptakan kesempatan untuk melakukan manipulasi pencatatan dan penggunaan dana kampanye penting untuk diperbaiki agar tidak menjadi permasalahan laten dalam setiap pemilu. Diharapkan dengan perubahan tersebut akan turut meningkatkan kualitas demokrasi di Indonesia menjadi pemilu yang semakin berintegritas.

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ABSTRACTIn this research, there are two problems, namely: 1) What are the problems of reporting and monitoring campaign funds in the Presidential Election? 2) How to organize an ideal system of reporting and monitoring campaign finance to achieve integrity election?. This research uses normative legal research. It concludes that the Electoral Management Bodies in Indonesia are independent, but the reporting and monitoring design of campaign funds have many weaknesses. This research found 6 (six) weaknesses in the reporting and monitoring system of campaign funds in the presidential election in Indonesia. This research recommends various legal loopholes which creates an opportunity to manipulate the use of campaign funds is important to be amended. These changes are expected to improve the quality of democracy in Indonesia into elections with greater integrity."

"ABSTRACTThis article explores the complexity of the relationship between democracy and feminism in both theory and practice. For a long time, feminist theorists have put forward criticism of democratic studies, which emphasize the importance of transforming political institutions and addressing the measure of the goodness of democracy that is considered to be generally accepted. As a result, the voice and interests of women are considered merely complementary and not a priority. Feminist agendasmarked by the formulation of interests aimed at challenging patriarchy in a variety of manifestations are increasingly scarce in the work of fighting for democracy in Indonesia, especially in the participation of womens electoral politics. While non-electoral participation is more indicative of the presence of a feminist agenda, the challenge lies in the lack of linkages with electoral politics. The achievements of democracy over the past 20 years show the lack of contribution of democracy to the struggle that the womens movement formulated with the breath of feminism. This article highlights the increasingly eroded feminist agenda in the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia. It is time for the consolidation of democracy to borrow the logic of feminism, which rejects the public/private; personal/political dichotomy; in the electoral/non-electoral political struggle. "

"Skripsi ini menjelaskan mengapa faksionalisme terjadi di Partai Aceh pada Pilkada 2012 dan 2017 dilihat dari relasi antara partai dengan pemilih. Penelitian ini juga menjelaskan bagaimana relasi yang terjalin antara partai dengan pemilih hingga mendorong terjadinya faksionalisme di level elite. Pada Pilkada 2012, muncul dua faksi dari internal Partai Aceh dalam pencalonan Gubernur – Wakil Gubernur, yaitu faksi Irwandi Yusuf dan faksi Zaini Abdullah – Muzakir Manaf. Pada Pilkada 2017, muncul tiga faksi dari internal Partai Aceh yaitu faksi Muzakir Manaf, faksi Zaini Abdullah, dan faksi Zakaria Saman serta faksi Irwandi Yusuf dari eksternal. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori faksionalisme dari Francoise Boucheck untuk menganalisis faksionalisme yang didorong oleh kondisi di pasar pemilih (electoral market) yaitu elastic demand dan inelastic demand. Penelitian ini juga menggunakan konsep the new cleavage dari Pippa Norris dan electoral market change (crisis of party) and party responses dari Peter Mair untuk menganalisis perubahan kondisi di electoral market antara Pilkada 2012 dan 2017. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pilkada 2012 terjadi karena kondisi elastic demand, dimana pemilih masih memiliki kepercayaan terhadap Partai Aceh karena mesin politik pada saat itu bekerja maksimal. Sehingga, Irwandi Yusuf sebagai faksi penentang kalah dalam Pilkada dan Partai Aceh yang mengusung Zaini Abdullah – Muzakir Manaf memenangkan Pilkada. Pada Pilkada 2017, faksionalisme terjadi secara tajam akibat kondisi inelastic demand, dimana relasi antara Partai Aceh dengan pemilih mengalami perubahan. Perubahan tersebut disebabkan oleh dua hal yang terjadi pasca 2012 yang melemahkan mesin politik Partai Aceh. Pertama, adanya kegagalan dan ketidakadilan alokasi sumber daya dari Partai Aceh kepada para mantan kombatan GAM sehingga mereka meninggalkan Partai Aceh. Kedua, krisis kader di dalam Partai Aceh karena perpindahan beberapa kader dan tidak diimbangi dengan kaderisasi secara efektif. Hasil Pilkada 2017 menunjukkan kekalahan Partai Aceh yang mengusung Muzakir Manaf.

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This thesis explains about the factionalism that occurred in the Aceh Party on 2012 and 2017 elections in terms of the relationship between the party and voters. This research also explains how the relations between parties and voters encourage factionalism at the elite level. Two factions from the Aceh Party internally appeared in the 2012 elections in the nomination of the Governor - Deputy Governor, namely the Irwandi Yusuf faction and the Zaini Abdullah - Muzakir Manaf faction. In the 2017 elections, three factions from the Aceh Party emerged, namely Muzakir Manaf faction, Zaini Abdullah faction, and Zakaria Saman faction and Irwandi Yusuf faction from the external. This research uses factionalism theory from Francoise Boucheck to analyze factionalism that driven by conditions in the electoral market called elastic demand and inelastic demand. This research also uses the new cleavage concept from Pippa Norris and electoral market change (crisis of party) and party responses from Peter Mair to analyze changes in conditions of the electoral market between the 2012 and 2017. This research uses a qualitative method with the results of the study showing that the 2012 local election caused by elastic demand, which that voters still had confidence in the Aceh Party because the political machinery at that time worked optimally, so that Irwandi Yusuf, as an opposing faction, was defeated in the Pilkada and the Aceh Party that carried Zaini Abdullah - Muzakir Manaf won the elections. Factionalism occurs sharply due to the inelastic demand conditions in the 2017 elections, where relations between the Aceh Party and voters has changed. The change was caused by two things that occurred after 2012 which weakened the Aceh Party political engine. First, there was a failure and injustice in the allocation of resources from the Aceh Party to former GAM combatants so that they left the Aceh Party. Second, the cadre crisis within the Aceh Party was due to the displacement of several cadres and was not matched with effective regeneration. The results of the 2017 elections showed the defeat of the Aceh Party which carried Muzakir Manaf."

"Too often, elections around the globe are, unfortunately, deeply flawed or even fail. What triggers these problems? In this second volume of her trilogy on electoral integrity, Pippa Norris compares structural, international, and institutional accounts as alternative perspectives to explain why elections fail to meet international standards. The book argues that rules preventing political actors from manipulating electoral governance are needed to secure integrity, although at the same time officials also need sufficient resources and capacities to manage elections effectively. Drawing on new evidence, the study determines the most effective types of strategies for strengthening the quality of electoral governance around the world. With a global perspective, this book provides fresh insights into these major issues at the heart of the study of elections and voting behavior, comparative politics, democracy and democratization, political culture, democratic governance, public policymaking, development, international relations and conflict studies, and processes of regime change."

"Komitmen merupakan sebuah keyakinan diri untuk bertanggung jawab melakukan suatu tindakan di masa mendatang karena dianggap saling menguntungkan. Pada wacana politik, seperti debat Pilpres, komitmen kerap digunakan sebagai salah satu cara untuk meyakinkan mitra tutur. Komitmen yang digunakan dalam wacana politik tersebut diistilahkan sebagai komitmen argumentatif. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan berbagai karakteristik komitmen argumentatif. Sumber data pada penelitian ini adalah tuturan calon presiden dan wakil presiden yang berpartisipasi dalam debat Pilpres 2019 putaran pertama sampai dengan ketiga. Data berupa komitmen argumentatif didapat dengan menggunakan indikator yang diadaptasi dari 9 kriteria komitmen tak-cacat Searle. Analisis dilakukan dengan cara menguraikan komitmen argumentatif menjadi bagian-bagian yang lebih kecil. Kemudian dilakukan pengamatan terhadap relasi antara bagian satu dan lainnya. Analisis juga dilakukan dengan cara menguraikan fungsi berbagai pengungkap modalitas yang ada pada komitmen argumentatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan setidaknya 12 pola yang menggambarkan 2 karakteristik komitmen argumentatif.

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Commitment is a self-belief to be responsible for taking action in the future because it is considered mutually beneficial. In political discourse, such as the presidential election debates, commitment is often used as a way to convince speech partners. Commitment used in political discourse is termed as argumentative commitment. This study aims to explain the various characteristics of argumentative commitments. Data was taken from speeches of the presidential and vice presidential candidates who participated in the first to third rounds of the 2019 presidential election debates. The Data, which are in the form of argumentative commitment, were obtained using indicators adapted from Searle's 9 criteria of non-defective promise. The analysis was carried out by breaking down argumentative commitments into smaller parts. Then, an observation was made to identify relationships between parts of each argumentative commitment. Analysis was also carried out by describing the functions of various modalities in argumentative commitments. The results of this study indicate at least 12 patterns that describe 2 characteristics of argumentative commitments"

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menjelaskan pengaruh klientelisme terhadap kebijakan publik. Suatu kebijakantidak dapat dipisahkan dari proses strategi politik masa kampanye pemilu, hal tersebutmenjadi konsekuensi atas transaksi yang dilakukan antara kandidat dan voters. Dalam risetini menjelaskan hubungan klientelisme Anies Baswedan dan PKL Jatibaru Raya yangdihubungkan Haji Lulung serta pengaruhnya terhadap kebijakan penataan kawasan TanahAbang. Keluarnya Instruksi Gubernur Nomor 17 Tahun 2018 tentang kebijakan penataankawasan Tanah Abang merupakan manifestasi atas transaksi politik saat pilkada, kebijakantersebut berupa menata PKL dengan menutup dan memfasilitasi pedagang kaki lima (PKL)berjualan di badan Jalan Jatibaru Raya. Konsep demikian merupakan usul dari Haji Lulungsebagai tokoh masyarakat Tanah Abang pada saat Anies Baswedan baru saja duduk di kursijabatan gubernur pada Oktober 2017. Kebijakan ini terdapat beberapa mal administrasi danberjalan parsial, serta identik dengan bias partisan. Dalam pemenangan pilkada Haji Lulungmemiliki peran menggerakkan jaringan organisasi PPM sebagai mesin politik pemenanganAnies Baswedan di kawasan Jatibaru Tanah Abang. Organisasi PPM ini melakukansosialisasi dari PKL Jatibaru dan warga ke warga untuk memenangkan Anies. Penelitian inimengungkapkan bahwa klientelisme dapat bersifat abu-abu karena transaksi yang dilakukantermanifestasi dalam program dan tidak selalu ditunaikan dalam masa kampanye, dalamkebijakan ini pula sumber daya yang di diberikan adalah kesempatan berdagang yaitu denganmemfasilitasi pedagang kaki lima (PKL) berjualan di badan jalan. Penelitian inimenggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik wawancara mendalam.

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ABSTRACTThis research explains about the influence of clientelism on public policy. A public policycannot be separated from political strategy during the election campaign, it becomes aconsequence of transaction during election between candidate and voters. This researchexplains about clientelism relationship between Anies Baswedan and PKL Jatibaru, also HajiLulung as a broker also its implication on the arrangement of Jatibaru Tanah Abang. InstruksiGubernur Nomor 17 Tahun 2018 is manifestation of political transactions during theelections, the policy is about arranged street vendors (PKL) on the Jatibaru Raya street byclosed it from vehicles. This concept of public policy proposed by Haji Lulung as a TanahAbangs public figure community leader when Anies Baswedan in office October 2017. Thispolicy has some maladministration, partial and partisan bias. At campaign phase, Haji lulunghas mobilize his network, such as PPM Organization as the political machine to winningAnies Baswedan in the Jatibaru area of Tanah Abang. this research reveals that clientelismcan be on the grey spectrum because transaction carried out is manifested in the program andnot always executed during the campaign period, in this policy, also the resource for thevoters by providing street vendors (PKL) opportunities for trade in Jatibaru Raya street. Thisstudy uses qualitative methods with in-depth interview techniques"