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The main objective of the study is to analyze the political economic and cultural factors affecting corruption in regional economic development during decentralization era in Indonesia. The research uses both qualitative and quantitative methodology to elaborate the process of policy making in budgeting and in formulating regional regulation (Perda). Three districts were chosen as case studies i.e. Kabupaten Solok, Kabupaten Sukoharjo and Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara. The results of the study indicate that corruption bas already emerged since the begining of decision making process in the executive as well as legislative agencies. The findings show that political economic and cultural factors are strongly affecting the corruption in regional development in the autonomy era.

The main objective of the stuajl is to analyze the political economic and cultural factors aflecting corruption in regional economic development during decentralization era in Indonesia. The research uses both qualitative and quantitative methodology to elaborate the process of policy making in budgeting and in formulating regional regulation (Perda). Three districts were chosen as case studies i.e. Kabupaten Solok, Kabupaten Sukoharjo and Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara. The results of the stuajl indicate that corruption has already emerged since the begining of decision making process in the executive as well as legislative agencies. The findings show that political economic and cultural factors are strongly aflecting the corruption in regional development in the autonomy era.

One of the most worrying global issues facing agricultural interests today is the rapid conversion of productive agricultural land to non-agricultural uses. Indonesia has enacted the Sustainable Agriculture Land Protection Law (Lahan Pertanian Pangan Berkelanjutan / LP2B) as a crucial section of the Spatial Planning Regulations. Furthermore, the law has been ratified by a number of regional regulations. However, there are still misconceptions about LP2B among stakeholders which can magnify the difficulty of implementing the regulation. Using the historical method, this descriptive paper elaborates difficulties in protecting agricultural land due to misconceptions of stakeholders within the case study in Tasikmalaya Regency, West Java Province, Indonesia. Misconceptions of stakeholders encompass three aspects: (1) land ownership (2) determination process and (3) implementation of LP2B protection. Difficulties did not automatically cease when the regulations had just enacted, instead, they continue into the application stage and become discourses in various cross-institutional forums. Furthermore, this paper synthesizes the author's own conceptions to rectify the misconceptions based on academic references and relevant statutory arguments. Stakeholders referred to in this paper were bureaucrats in agricultural and other institutions related to LP2B including the Regional Development Planning Agency, and the Ministry of Spatial Planning / National Land Agency. They were represented by officials, bureaucrats, or personnel who together with the author attended various coordination meetings, dissemination, workshops, focus group discussions, and similar forums that discussing LP2B and or other related topics in the period of 2014-2019. Policy implications are discussed.

Adegium menyatakan bahwa umur pelacuran seumur dengan keberadaan umur manusia di muka bumi, oleh karena itu keberadaannya seringkali sulit sekali untuk ditanggulangi. Kota Tangerang sebagai kota industri memang mempunyai daya tarik tersendiri bagi wanita yang berurbanisasi untuk mencari pekerjaan ketika mereka tersisih dan tidak mendapat pekerjaan akibat terbatasnya pendidikan dan keterampilan maka alternatif pekerjaan yang menjadi pilihan ialah telibat sebagai pelacur. Oleh karena itu hasil penelitian ini difokuskan pada masalah EFEKTIVITAS PERDA NO. 8 TAHUN 2005 TENTANG PELARANGAN PELACURAN DI KOTA TANGERANG (Analisa Terhadap Usaha Menaggulangi Masalah Pelacuran dan Pornografi), di mana penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui implementasi Perda No 8 Tahun 2005, sejauh manakah mampu menekan angka pelacuran di kota Tangerang, dan dampak positif dan negatifnya bagi masyarakat Kota Tangerang. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah metode hukum normatif dengan pendekatan kualitatif, yang mengharuskan peneliti melibatkan dirinya dalam kehidupan dari masyarakat yang diteliti. Pengumpulan data primer dilakukan dengan cara wawancara dan observasi terhadap masyarakat umum Kota Tangerang, responden dari lembagal institusi, Praktisi lainnya yang bergerak di bidang penanganan masalah pelacuran di Kota Tangerang, para pelacur yang tertangkap dan dimasukan ke Panti Rehabilitasi Karya Wanita Mulya Jaya Pasar Rebo Jakarta Utara Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa bentuk implementasi. Perda No 8 Tahun 2006 ialah pengenaan saksi pidana dalam Pasal 9 yang berfungsi untuk menjerakan para pelanggar ketentuan Perda No.8 Tahun 2005, Hasil nyatanya, bisa dilihat dari menurunnya jumlah angka pelacuran, dan juga dari mereka yang telah dibina umumnya hanya 10% saja yang kembali menjadi pelacur dan dikirim kembali ke Panti Rehabilitasi Sosial Karya Wanita Mulya Jaya. Adapun dampak positif bagi masyarakat ialah berkurangnya gangguan keamanan dan ketertiban di Kota Tangerang dan dampak negatifnya ialah perlu "extra energi" dari Satpol PP Kota Tangerang dan menurunnya omset para pedagang yang tempatnya dijadikan tempat transaksi bagi pelacur.

Penelitian ini membahas upaya pasangan Wayan Koster dan Cok Ace sebagai Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Bali terpilih pasca Pemilihan Gubernur Bali Tahun 2018, dalam menyelesaikan konflik yang terjadi terkait kebijakan reklamasi Teluk Benoa. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, dengan desain deskriptif . Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, Wayan Koster dan Cok Ace belum mampu mengakomodir dibatalkan atau direvisinya kebijakan reklamasi Teluk Benoa pada Perpres Nomor 51 tahun 2014. Meski kawasan Teluk Benoa akhirnya ditetapkan sebagai Kawasan Konservasi Maritim oleh Menteri Kelautan dan Kemaritiman dan dituangkan dalam Perda RZWP3K Provinsi Bali 2020-2040, namun kekuatan aturan masih dipegang oleh Perpres 51 Tahun 2014 terkait status kawasan Teluk Benoa sebagai kawasan pemanfaatan umum. Selain itu, perumusan kebijakan Wayan Koster dan Cok Ace terhadap kebijakan Teluk Benoa yang tidak transparan hanya menimbulkan konflik berkelanjutan dengan kelompok penolak reklamasi Teluk Benoa. Dengan mengacu model formuasi kebijakan Thomas R. Dye Gubernur tidak melakukan negosiasi, bargaining, maupun kompromi dengan kelompok penolak sebagaimana dikemukakan Dye. Gubernur justru menghindar terhadap proses resolusi konflik yang dilakukan. Perspektif Miall terhadap pendekatan dalam menghadapi konflik mampu menjawab realitas ini yaitu terdapat indikasi Gubernur Koster memilih untuk menunda atau menghindari respons. Hal ini terlihat dari permasalahan kebijakan reklamasi yang belum selesai, yaitu kelompok penolak yang hingga saat ini masih menuntut Perpres Nomor 51 Tahun 2014 untuk dicabut.

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This study examines the efforts of Wayan Koster and Cok Ace as the Governor and Deputy Governor of Bali elected of the 2018 Bali gubernatorial elections, concerning the Benoa Bay reclamation issue, which was very crucial for the government and society in Bali. By using a qualitative approach with a descriptive analysis, this study found some indications that Wayan Koster and Cok Ace have not been able to accommodate the cancellation or revision of the Benoa Bay reclamation policy in Presidential Decree No. 51 of 2014. Even though the Benoa Bay area was finally designated a Maritime Conservation Area by the Minister of Maritime Affairs and Maritime Affairs and set forth in the Regional Regulation RZWP3K Bali Province 2020 -2040, but the regulation is still held by Presidential Regulation 51 of 2014 regarding the status of the Benoa Bay area as a public use area. In addition, the non-transparent formulation of Wayan Koster and Cok Ace's policy on the Benoa Bay policy only led to ongoing conflicts with groups opposed to Benoa Bay reclamation. Referring to Thomas R. Dye's model of policy formulation, actually in the process of a formulation policy, there are many actors who involved in, many interests in terms of power-interplay among actors. But in this case, the Governor did not negotiate, bargain or compromise with opposing groups as stated by Dye. The Governor actually avoided the conflict resolution process that was carried out. Miall's perspective on approaches to dealing with conflict is able to answer this reality, namely that there are indications that Governor Koster has chosen to delay or avoid responding. This can be seen from the unresolved reclamation policy issues, namely the opposing groups who are still demanding that Presidential Decree No. 51 of 2014 be repealed.

ABSTRAK<>br> Karya akhir ini dibuat bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana hegemoni maskulinitas dalam suatu Perda diskriminatif dapat mengopresi perempuan. Penulis melakukan analisis wacana kritis dengan menggunakan data sekunder dari Kajian Komisi Nasional Anti Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan serta dianalisis berlandaskan pada teori kriminologi feminis dan feminist legal theory. Hasil karya akhir ini menunjukan bahwa hegemoni maskulinitas dan pemikiran patriarki dalam masyarakat Indonesia menjadikan faktor munculnya Perda diskriminatif. Selain itu, Perda merupakan sebuah instrumen pemerintah yang dijadikan untuk mengontrol tubuh perempuan. Melalui Perda, laki-laki dapat mengopresi perempuan melalui teks dan implementasi Perda diskriminatif tersebut. Kata Kunci : Perda diskriminatif, hegemoni maskulinitas, opresi, tubuh perempuan,teori kriminologi feminis, feminist legal theory.

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ABSTRACT<>br> This thesis aims to find out how hegemonic masculinity, through discriminative regional regulations, can oppressed women. Through critical analytical text method, this research was conducted by using a secondary data from National Commission on Violence Against Women 39 s research, analyzed based on feminist criminological theory and feminist legal theory. The result shows that hegemonic masculinity and patriarchal perspective that deeply ingrained in Indonesian society became the emergence of factors of any discriminative regional regulation. Moreover, the regional regulations act as governmental instruments to control women 39 s body. The oppression of women by men, thus, is done through the text and the implementation of these harmful regional regulations. Keywords discriminative regional regulation, hegemonic masculinity, oppression, women 39 s body, criminological feminist theory, feminist legal theory.