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"Populisme berkembang di berbagai negara pada dua dekade terakhir, termasuk di Indonesia. Sebagian besar penelitian terkait populisme di Indonesia terpusat pada tokoh politik dan masih sedikit yang berfokus pada faktor-faktor psikologi sosial. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui hubungan antara group relative deprivation (GRD), resentment, dan sikap populis, serta peran mediasi resentment terhadap hubungan antara GRD dengan sikap populis. Responden berjumlah 180 orang, 38,3% laki-laki dan 61,7% perempuan, dengan rata-rata umur 30 tahun (SD = 10,30). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan GRD berhubungan positif signifikan dengan sikap populis (r = 0,182, p < 0,05) dan resentment (r = 0,15, p < 0,05). Resentment ditemukan berhubungan positif signifikan dengan sikap populis (r = 0,231, p < 0,01). Selain itu, resentment memiliki efek mediasi parsial yang signifikan terhadap hubungan GRD dengan sikap populis (β = 0,06, SE = 0,04). Dapat disimpulkan bahwa GRD dapat memprediksi sikap populis dan hubungan tersebut dimediasi oleh resentment. Penelitian ini melengkapi kerumpangan hasil penelitian tentang hubungan antara GRD terhadap sikap populis dengan resentment sebagai mediator, serta mengetahui faktor afektif yang berhubungan dengan sikap populis. Hasil dari penelitian ini juga dapat bermanfaat bagi publik agar mendasarkan penentuan keberpihakan dan dukungan politik dengan lebih kritis dan rasional, bukan dilandaskan oleh narasi kampanye yang mempolitisasi perasaan kekurangan dari rakyat dan kemarahan rakyat semata.

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Populism has developed in various countries in the last two decades, including in Indonesia. Most of the research related to populism in Indonesia has focused on political figures and only a few have focused on social psychology factors. This study aims to determine the relationship between group relative deprivation (GRD), resentment, and populist attitudes, as well as the role of mediating resentment on the relationship between GRD and populist attitudes. Respondents totaled 180 people, 38,3% male and 61,7% female with an mean age of 30 years (SD = 10.30). The results showed that GRD had a significant positive relationship with populist attitudes (r = 0.182, p < 0.05) and resentment (r = 0.15, p < 0.05). Resentment was found to be significantly and positively related to populist attitudes (r = 0.231, p < 0.01). In addition, resentment has a significant partial mediating effect on the relationship between GRD and populist attitudes (β = 0.06, SE = 0.04). It can be concluded that GRD can predict populist attitudes and the relationship is mediated by resentment. This study completes the gap in research results on the relationship between GRD on populist attitudes and resentment as a mediator, as well as looking at affective factors related to populist attitudes. The results of this research can also be useful for the public in order to base their determination on political alignments and support more critically and rationally, instead of being based on campaign narratives that politicize the people's feelings of inadequacy and people's anger alone.

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"ABSTRAKStudi ini menganalisis fenomena Aksi Bela Islam ldquo;411 rdquo; dan ldquo;212 rdquo; tahun 2016 oleh Gerakan Pengawal Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia GNPF-MUI dalam perspektif populism. Argumentasi dalam penelitian ini adalah Aksi Bela Islam oleh GNPF-MUI merupakan gerakan populisme dalam bentuk strategi politk dan termasuk dalam varian populisme Islam. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus case study . Adapun instrumen penelitian yang akan digunakan untuk mendapatkan data adalah melalui wawancara dan pemberitaan seputar GNPF-MUI di berbagai media massa. Temuan dari penelitian ini didapatkan penjelasan bahwa penyebab kemunculan Aksi Bela Islam oleh GNPF-MUI adalah adanya konteks Ahok menjadi kontestan Pilkada DKI Jakarta tahun 2017, sentiment anti-Ahok, dan penistaan agama yang dilakukan Ahok. Aksi Bela Islam GNPF-MUI merupakan pupulisme dalam bentuk strategi politik Jansen, 2011 karena mampu memobilisasi massa yang berasal dari kalangan yang terpinggirkan dari sektor sosial dan berbagai ormas Islam, diajak untuk melakukan tindakan politik dalam Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017 untuk tidak memilih Ahok anti Ahok . Di dalam Aksi Bela Islam GNPF-MUI juga terdapat elemen populisme Islam Vedi R. Hadiz , yaitu koalisi multi kelas yang terbentuk dari berbagai ormas Islam, disatukan oleh identitas bersama yang sengaja dibentuk yaitu sebagai pembela Islam Islamic Defender dengan seruan ldquo;Bela Quran rdquo; sebagai pemersatu.Kata kunci : penyebab kemunculan, strategi politik, mobilisasi massa, populisme Islam.

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ABSTRACTThis study analyzes the phenomenon of Aksi Bela Islam 411 and 212 in 2016 by the Gerakan Nasional Pengawal Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia GNPF MUI in the perspective of populism. The argument in this research presents that the Aksi Bela Islam by GNPF MUI is a populist movement in the form of political strategy and included into one of Islamic populism. This research uses qualitative approach with case study method. The data obtained by interviewing and researching news about GNPF MUI in various mass media. This study finds that the cause of the emergence of Aksi Bela Islam by GNPF MUI are the existence of Ahok related to his status as candidate of Jakarta rsquo s Governor elections in 2017, anti Ahok sentiment, and the blasphemy of Ahok. The Aksi Bela Islam of GNPF MUI is a populism in the form of political strategy Jansen, 2011 because it is able to mobilize people from various background such as the marginalized, Islamic mass organizations, who were invited to take political action not to vote Ahok anti Ahok in Jakarta elections 2017. In the Aksi Bela Islam of GNPF MUI there is also an element of Islamic populism Vedi R. Hadiz , a multi class coalition formed from various Islamic mass organizations, united by a commonly formed identity of the defender of Islam Pembela Islam with the call Bela Quran as a unifier.Keywords causes of emergence, political strategy, mass mobilization, Islamic populism"

"Kemunculan populisme meningkat dalam beberapa tahun terakhir di Indonesia. Sebagian besar penelitian mengenai populisme di Indonesia berfokus pada tokoh politik dan masih sedikit penelitian yang dilakukan pada level pemilih. Penelitian ini melihat peran national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism sebagai prediktor dukungan terhadap populisme di Indonesia. Hasil analisis data terhadap 331 partisipan dengan rentang usia 19-71 tahun (M = 30, SD = 12.8) menggunakan multiple regression menunjukkan bahwa national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism memprediksi dukungan terhadap populisme di Indonesia. Penelitian ini juga melihat hubungan national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism dengan dukungan terhadap calon presiden pada Pilpres 2019. Analisis data terhadap 301 partisipan menggunakan independent samples t-test menunjukkan tingkat religious collective narcissism yang lebih tinggi pada pemilih Prabowo Subianto dibandingkan pemilih Joko Widodo. Hasil penelitian mengindikasikan bahwa national collective narcissism dan religious collective narcissism memengaruhi dukungan terhadap kebijakan maupun politisi populis, dan religious collective narcissism berpotensi memengaruhi pilihan politik warga Indonesia.

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The emergence of populism has increased in recent years in Indonesia. Most research on populism in Indonesia focused on political figures, but less research had been done at the voter level. This study investigated the role of national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism as predictors of support towards populism in Indonesia. The results of data analysis on 331 participants with an age range of 19-71 years (M = 30, SD = 12.8) using multiple regression showed that national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism predicted support towards populism in Indonesia. This study also looked at the relationship between national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism with support for presidential candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election. Data analysis of 301 participants using independent samples t-test showed that the level of religious collective narcissism was higher in Prabowo Subianto voters than Joko Widodo voters. The results of the study indicated that national collective narcissism and religious collective narcissism influenced support for populist policies or politicians, and religious collective narcissism has the potential to influence the political choices of Indonesian citizens."

"In a novel approach to the field of Islamic politics, this provocative new study compares the evolution of Islamic populism in Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, to the Middle East. Utilising approaches from historical sociology and political economy, Vedi R. Hadiz argues that competing strands of Islamic politics can be understood as the product of contemporary struggles over power, material resources and the result of conflict across a variety of social and historical contexts. Drawing from detailed case studies across the Middle East and Southeast Asia, the book engages with broader theoretical questions about political change in the context of socio-economic transformations and presents an innovative, comparative framework to shed new light on the diverse trajectories of Islamic politics in the modern world."