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"This paper aims to study the development the dynasty politics phenomenon in Solo, especially from the public perspective after the 2020 regional head election. Gibran, the son of the President of the Republic of Indonesia ran as a candidate for mayor of Solo. Gibran involvement during the regional head election raised pros and cons in Indonesia. The practice of kinship politics in Indonesia is increasingly worrying. The reason is that most of the regulations tend to preserve the oligarchy. The flourishing of kinship politics, especially in the regions, cannot be separated from the role of = political parties and regulations on regional head election. The study used quantitative approach with questionnaires and literature review. The results wereprocessed using SmartPLS 3.0 software with four independent variable: network strength, position in the party, unequal democracy, and capital. The study showed that only two independent variables influenced the occurrence of kinship politics: network strength and capital. This led to talks about the community on political issues, President Jokowi, and changed his leadership image, from previously seen as a president that does not involve families in political matters."

"Kinship politics may be a way to preserve the power of the elites through elections. With the strong support of kinship politics from the local political elite, the candidate for the South Minahasa district head, Michaela Paruntu, had a very high chance of winning the 2020 regional election in the South Minahasa District. But the reality was different. The popularity gained from the influence of the previous district head, a close relative of the candidate, and the support of the ruling party in the South Minahasa District were ineffective in generating public support for the candidate. This study analyzed the factors that caused the ineffectiveness of the kinship politics in the South Minahasa District. This phenomenon was interesting to study since previous studies on kinship politics presented empirical evidence that candidates who have a kinship with the authorities or elites have a better opportunity to win an election. This study used a qualitative method with a case study approach. The result of the study showed that the community's perception of kinship politics in the South Minahasa District influenced people's political choices in the 2020 Regional Head Election (Pilkada)."

"The 2020 Regional Head Election continued to show the presence of Kinship Politics at the regional level, including in Jambi. The incumbents encouraged their family members to run as candidates in the election for Governor and Deputy Governor of Jambi, Regent of Batang Hari, and Mayor of Sungai Penuh. Surprisingly, Kinship politics failed to win in all three locations. This study aimed to analyze the failure of Kinship politics in the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi (namely Yuninta Asmara-Muhammad Mahdan in Batang Hari Regency, Cek Endra-Ratu Munawaroh in the election for the Governor of Jambi, and Fikar Azami-Yos Andrino in the election for Mayor of Sungai Penuh) through an independent observation from November 2020 to January 2021, as well as documentation of data and news related to the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi. The failure of the three candidate pairs was due to: first, the lack of public trust in the incumbent's family; second, the lack of campaign fund contributions; third, lack of promotions for the candidate pairs on social media; fourth, the lack of political communication between candidates, political parties, and constituents, while the alternative candidates optimally, effectively and efficiently managed the campaign team, campaign logistics, and their constituents; five, the alternative candidates' track records showed better credibility and capability; and six, better electability and acceptability of the alternative candidates. This study concluded that Jambi could be an example of minimizing the dominance of Kinship politics by using an alternative candidate who has a solid team, good online campaign management, and effective logistics management. Jambi can be a barometer of the rise of real democracy."

"This research departs from the victory of President Joko Widodo's son and son-in-law in the 2020 Regional Head Election. Approximately 44% or 55 candidates of the 124 regional head candidates who have a kinship with the authorities are confirmed to win the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election and stroll as regional heads. For this reason, this study will explore the phenomenon of winning candidates exposed to kinship politics, especially with the president in the 2020 Regional Head Election. This research also analyzes some of the causes of nepotism in the democratic system that are still visible in the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election. To achieve this goal, the research uses descriptive research methods with a qualitative approach. The method was chosen because the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election were multidimensional. The results of the study found several factors that led to kinship politics still coloring the 2020 Regional Head Election, including the advancement of candidates who were exposed to kinship with the president. These factors, such as the popularity of family names, are deliberately carried out by politicians as a way of inheriting power and the weak democratization of political parties, such as recruiting candidates for the regional head. This also led to candidates exposed to kinship with the president in striding to win the Regional Head Election. This research concludes that kinship should be able to lead to moral behavior, not just a pursuit of power. Concerning kinship politics, it can be controlled through internal reforms of political parties as institutions that carry out the role of candidate recruitment."

"The issue of kinship politics networks and modalities Pilar Saga is built on the Ratu Atut Chosiyah's dynastic politics. Interestingly, the dynastic political network in Banten contributed to Pilar Saga's victory. Even the various corruption cases that ensnared Ratu Atut's family could not undermine her political network. For example, the corruption case of Ratu Atut for alleged bribery of the Constitutional Court and the trading of positions, T Chaeri Wardana for the corruption case of medical equipment, and Ratu Lilis Karyawati for the Cibenuangen River bypass case in Lebak, Banten. The purpose of this study was to analyze the extent to which Pilar Saga's kinship politics network and modalities influenced his victory in the 2020 South Tangerang Regional Head Election. This study used a qualitative approach with a descriptive method in South Tangerang. The research data was taken through observation and library research to strengthen the conclusion. The results show that the Pilar Saga political network and modalities, apart from being built from the Atut dynasty, were also boosted by the performance achievements of the incumbent Pilar Saga pair. The incumbent in the previous period with Airin Rachmi Diany (Atut's sister-in-law) was able to bring South Tangerang City to be the best Regency/City area in Banten in HDI (Human Development Index) numbers. On this basis, the rational behavior of voters in South Tangerang was not fooled by the various cases that ensnared their relatives in the corruption of the Ratu Atut Chosiyah dynasty."

"Demokrasi yang mempromosikan nilai kesetaraan, keadilan, rasionalitas dan imparsialitas menghadapi tantangan yang bersumber dari praktik penggunaan kesalehan agama. Aktor politik yang bersaing dalam kontestasi politik melakukan komodifikasi dengan cara mengekstensifkan kesalehan mereka dalam praktik penggunaan bahasa. Media sosial salah satunya Twitter menjadi kanal ekstensi kesalehan mereka. Praktik komodifikasi ini menjadikan agama/kesalehan sebagai alat memenangkan kontestasi politik, termasuk kontestasi presiden dan wakil presiden 2019. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengevaluasi praktik komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan aktor politik dalam kontestasi pemilihan 2019. Tujuan detail penelitian ini adalah: (1) Menemukan bentuk-bentuk komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan calon presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2019 dalam pesan-pesan yang mengandung komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan Islam selama kontestasi pemilihan presiden 2019 melalui penggunaan bahasa di akun Twitter mereka; (2) Menggambarkan aspek-aspek kesalehan Islam yang dikomodifikasi oleh calon presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2019 selama masa kontestasi pemilihan presiden 2019 melalui penggunaan bahasa di akun Twitter mereka; (3) Menggambarkan orientasi calon presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2019 dalam pesan-pesan yang mengandung komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan selama masa kontestasi pemilihan presiden 2019 melalui penggunaan bahasa di akun Twitter mereka. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Komodifikasi Mosco. Konsep ini menjadi pintu masuk dalam kajian ekonomi politik kritikal. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan metode Analisis Multimodalitas terhadap pesan kandidat calon presiden dan wakil presiden 2019, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa aktor politik melakukan komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan dalam bentuk: Komodifikasi Developmentalisme Berbasis-Kesalehan, Komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan personal-berorientasi sosial, komodifikasi ultra-nasionalisme Berbasis Islamisme, komodifikasi Negara-Sejahtera berdasarkan Islamisme. Penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa komodifikasi ini dengan komodifikasi kesalehan instrumental dalam politik Indonesia. Komodifikasi ini tidak menempatkan kesalehan sebagai tujuan. Sebaliknya, kesalehan sebagai alat untuk tujuan sebenarnya. Dalam kontestasi politik, komodifikasi ini memproduksi nilai tukar elektoral melalui ekstensi komoditas imaterial kesalehan yang berpotensi meningkatkan elektoral. Aktor politik melakukan Komodifikasi kesalehan instrumental melalui peneguhan kapital mereka dan mengasosiasikannya dengan komoditas imaterial kesalehan. Kapital mereka sebagai kandidat politik ber-interplay dengan kesalehan

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Democracy that promotes the values of equality, justice, rationality, and impartiality faces challenges stemming from the practice of using religious piety. Political actors who compete in political contestations carry out commodification by extending their piety in the practice of language usage. Social media (in this case Twitter) transmit their piety extensions. This commodification practice makes religion/piety a tool to win political contestations, including the 2019 presidential and vice-presidential contests. This study aims to evaluate the practice of commodifying the piety extension of political actors in the 2019 election contestation. There are four objectives in this research. They are (1) to Find forms of commodification of the piety extensions of the 2019 president and vicepresident candidates in their messages containing the commodification of Islamic piety extensions during the 2019-presidential election contestation through the use of language on their Twitter accounts; (2) to describe aspects of Islamic piety commodified by the 2019 president and vice-president candidates during the 2019 presidential election contestation through the use of language on their Twitter accounts; (3) to describe the orientation of the 2019 president and vice-president candidates in their messages containing the commodification of piety extensions during the 2019 presidential election contestation period through the use of language on their Twitter accounts. This study uses the concept of Commodification introduced by Vincent Mosco. This concept becomes an entry point in the study of critical political economy, including the political economy of communication). By using a qualitative approach and the Multimodality Analysis method toward political candidate's postings, this study find that political actors commodify Islamic piety extensions which are categorized into four models. They are commodification of piety-based developmentalism, commodification of socialoriented personal piety, commodification of Islamism-based Ultranationalism, commodification of Islamism-based Welfare State. The study concludes that this commodification with the commodification of instrumental piety in Indonesian politics. This commodification does not place piety as a goal but as an instrument to their political goals. In a political contest, this commodification produces an electoral exchange rate through the extension of the immaterial commodity of piety that has the potential to increase electoral power. Political actors carry out the commodification of instrumental piety through strengthening their capital and associating it with the immaterial commodity of piety. Their capitals as political candidate interplay with piety"

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini mencoba menjelaskan dan mengidentifikasi politik kelompok diaspora sebagai salah satu instrumen politik transnasional. Tulisan ini menggunakan model analisis perbandingan dengan membandingkan dua kasus yaitu politik diaspora Rusia di Latvia dan Estonia. Analisa perbandingan digunakan untuk menjelaskan fenomena politik diaspora Rusia di kedua negara yang memiliki karakteristik sosio-politik yang relatif sama namun menunjukan hasil yang berbeda. Kerangka pemikiran tentang struktur kesempatan politik diaspora digunakan untuk menjelaskan dan menganalisis faktor-faktor apa saja yang membedakan politik diapsora Rusia di Latvia dan Estonia. Penelitian ini melihat struktur kesempatan politik lebih mendukung aktivisme politik kelompok diaspora Rusia di Latvia daripada di Estonia. Selain itu semakin terintegrasinya kelompok diaspora Rusia di kedua negara menyebabkan tereduksinya pengaruh Rusia dan aktivisme kelompok diaspora Rusia di kedua negara.

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ABSTRACT

This study tries to explain and analyze diaspora politics one of the transnational political

instruments used by non-state actor. By using a comparative analysis in term of

comparing two cases namely the Russian diaspora politics in Latvia and Estonia.

Comparative analysis is used to explain the political phenomenon of the Russian

diaspora between the two countries which was actually based on the same sociopolitical

characteristics in the beginning but had a different result in common. A

framework of thought for the opportunity structure of diaspora politics is used to

explain and analyze fact or factors distinguish Russian diaspora politics in Latvia and

Estonia. This study sees the political opportunity structure more in favor of political

activism of the Russian diaspora in Latvia rather than in Estonia. Having said that, the

increasingly integrated Russian diaspora in the two countries have led to the reduction

of Russian influence and the activism of Russian diaspora groups in both countries."

"ABSTRAK

Skripsi ini berfokus pada pembahasan mengenai perubahan strategi politik Husni

Mubarak dari eksklusi politik menuju inklusi politik di tahun 2000 dan sesudahnya.

Krisis legitimasi yang dihadapi oleh Husni Mubarak diduga menjadi sebab terhadap

perubahan strategi politik Husni Mubarak tersebut. Selain berfokus pada pembahasan

mengenai perubahan strategi politik Husni Mubarak, penulis juga berfokus pada

perolehan suara IM pada Pemilu Legislatif 2000 dan 2005. Melalui teori krisis

legitimasi dan oposisi politik, penulis melihat bahwa inklusi politik Husni Mubarak

didasari atas krisis legitimasi yang ia hadapi. Inklusi politik tersebut pada akhirnya

membuka ruang bagi IM untuk meningkatkan perolehan suaranya di tahun 2000-

2005.

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ABSTRACT

This thesis focuses on changing in Husni Mubarak political strategy from political

exclusion to political inclusion in 2000 and post-2000. Legitimation crisis faced by

Husni Mubarak is considered as a cause on his political strategy change. Moreover,

this thesis also focuses on the rising of IM electoral gaining in Egypt Parliamentary

Election 2000 and 2005. By legitimation and political opposition theory, author

considers that Husni Mubarak’s political inclusion is based on crisis legitimation

faced by him. Finally, this inclusion has given political space for IM to increase its

electoral gaining in both parliamentary election."

"One of the entrances for women in politics is through kinship. In the 2020 regional head elections in Central Java, the nomination of women from incumbent families or political elites took place in various regions. Some have political experience; some have less experience. This paper examines how the nomination and victory of female candidates, whether because of kinship, or the need for experience, personal qualities, or other reasons. This research is descriptive with a qualitative approach, using data from the results of the vote, candidate data, and some related information. This study found that female candidates with kinship relations do not always win elections, but must have political capital, social capital, and competence, as well as support from political parties."

"The number of candidates who have a kinship with political and/or government entities in the 2020 Pilkada in Indonesia has shot up compared to the previous period, namely originally 59 candidates (2005-2014 period), 86 candidates (2015-2018 period), now 124 candidates (2020-2024 period). The research aims to identify the most dominating dimensions of power in kinship politics by using the power cube theory. In summary, the power cube theory analyzes the interaction of power in 3 (three) dimensions, namely levels, spaces, and forms. The method used is a quantitative method with analytical hierarchy process techniques to determine the criteria for the highest kinship politics and to determine the regions with the highest kinship political relations based on the criteria. Researchers identified the potential impact of kinship politics practice using descriptive qualitative research methods. The results of the study found a visible dimension in the power cube theory, namely that poor regeneration of political parties dominates the causes of kinship politics (73% of the criteria weighted results). The regions with the highest kinship politics based on the criteria for weak party regeneration were South Sulawesi (60.3%), followed by Sumatra (24.88%) and Java (10.07%). There are 5 (five) potential impacts of the practice of kinship politics, namely versatile coalitions, policies originating from elite compromise, marginalized crucial public issues, the birth of regulations that accommodate the interests of actors outside of government, and the declining performance of the bureaucracy in bridging the needs of the people."