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"The number of candidates who have a kinship with political and/or government entities in the 2020 Pilkada in Indonesia has shot up compared to the previous period, namely originally 59 candidates (2005-2014 period), 86 candidates (2015-2018 period), now 124 candidates (2020-2024 period). The research aims to identify the most dominating dimensions of power in kinship politics by using the power cube theory. In summary, the power cube theory analyzes the interaction of power in 3 (three) dimensions, namely levels, spaces, and forms. The method used is a quantitative method with analytical hierarchy process techniques to determine the criteria for the highest kinship politics and to determine the regions with the highest kinship political relations based on the criteria. Researchers identified the potential impact of kinship politics practice using descriptive qualitative research methods. The results of the study found a visible dimension in the power cube theory, namely that poor regeneration of political parties dominates the causes of kinship politics (73% of the criteria weighted results). The regions with the highest kinship politics based on the criteria for weak party regeneration were South Sulawesi (60.3%), followed by Sumatra (24.88%) and Java (10.07%). There are 5 (five) potential impacts of the practice of kinship politics, namely versatile coalitions, policies originating from elite compromise, marginalized crucial public issues, the birth of regulations that accommodate the interests of actors outside of government, and the declining performance of the bureaucracy in bridging the needs of the people."

"Kinship politics may be a way to preserve the power of the elites through elections. With the strong support of kinship politics from the local political elite, the candidate for the South Minahasa district head, Michaela Paruntu, had a very high chance of winning the 2020 regional election in the South Minahasa District. But the reality was different. The popularity gained from the influence of the previous district head, a close relative of the candidate, and the support of the ruling party in the South Minahasa District were ineffective in generating public support for the candidate. This study analyzed the factors that caused the ineffectiveness of the kinship politics in the South Minahasa District. This phenomenon was interesting to study since previous studies on kinship politics presented empirical evidence that candidates who have a kinship with the authorities or elites have a better opportunity to win an election. This study used a qualitative method with a case study approach. The result of the study showed that the community's perception of kinship politics in the South Minahasa District influenced people's political choices in the 2020 Regional Head Election (Pilkada)."

"The issue of kinship politics networks and modalities Pilar Saga is built on the Ratu Atut Chosiyah's dynastic politics. Interestingly, the dynastic political network in Banten contributed to Pilar Saga's victory. Even the various corruption cases that ensnared Ratu Atut's family could not undermine her political network. For example, the corruption case of Ratu Atut for alleged bribery of the Constitutional Court and the trading of positions, T Chaeri Wardana for the corruption case of medical equipment, and Ratu Lilis Karyawati for the Cibenuangen River bypass case in Lebak, Banten. The purpose of this study was to analyze the extent to which Pilar Saga's kinship politics network and modalities influenced his victory in the 2020 South Tangerang Regional Head Election. This study used a qualitative approach with a descriptive method in South Tangerang. The research data was taken through observation and library research to strengthen the conclusion. The results show that the Pilar Saga political network and modalities, apart from being built from the Atut dynasty, were also boosted by the performance achievements of the incumbent Pilar Saga pair. The incumbent in the previous period with Airin Rachmi Diany (Atut's sister-in-law) was able to bring South Tangerang City to be the best Regency/City area in Banten in HDI (Human Development Index) numbers. On this basis, the rational behavior of voters in South Tangerang was not fooled by the various cases that ensnared their relatives in the corruption of the Ratu Atut Chosiyah dynasty."

"Kinship Politics as a form of control of political space by the elites makes it easier for their family members to win an election against other candidates. Kinship Politics is prone to abuse of power that benefits just a few people. The author studied this problem using philosophical reflection. Humans have a relentless desire to achieve success or felicity (as Hobbes stated) that requires humans to continue accumulating power. Power must be attained and defended, although it means forgoing the ethical foundation. For this reason, this study aimed to analyse the moral consequences of the desire for power of the political elites in the 2020 Regional-Head Election (Pilkada) through an ethical lens. This study used descriptive and literature study method, as well as a qualitative approach, and the results of the study showed that the kinship politics in the 2020 Pilkada should not be continued in the perspective of consequentialism ethic that emphasizes the goal of happiness for as many people as possible, since Kinship politics that concentrated the power in one person supported by the circle of power will benefit only a handful of people."

"This research departs from the victory of President Joko Widodo's son and son-in-law in the 2020 Regional Head Election. Approximately 44% or 55 candidates of the 124 regional head candidates who have a kinship with the authorities are confirmed to win the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election and stroll as regional heads. For this reason, this study will explore the phenomenon of winning candidates exposed to kinship politics, especially with the president in the 2020 Regional Head Election. This research also analyzes some of the causes of nepotism in the democratic system that are still visible in the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election. To achieve this goal, the research uses descriptive research methods with a qualitative approach. The method was chosen because the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election were multidimensional. The results of the study found several factors that led to kinship politics still coloring the 2020 Regional Head Election, including the advancement of candidates who were exposed to kinship with the president. These factors, such as the popularity of family names, are deliberately carried out by politicians as a way of inheriting power and the weak democratization of political parties, such as recruiting candidates for the regional head. This also led to candidates exposed to kinship with the president in striding to win the Regional Head Election. This research concludes that kinship should be able to lead to moral behavior, not just a pursuit of power. Concerning kinship politics, it can be controlled through internal reforms of political parties as institutions that carry out the role of candidate recruitment."

"The presence of the phenomenon of kinship politics in the 2020 Simultaneous Regional Head Elections triggers a controversy that revolves around its implementation. The existence of kinship politics is feared to have an impact on efforts to achieve the ultimate goal of regional autonomy, namely public’s welfare and a dignified quality of life. The purpose of this research is to map the potential problems and identify the challenges of achieving the ultimate goal of regional autonomy. This research uses a literature study as an analytical tool to answer the objectives of the study. Discussions about kinship politics in Indonesia present a perceptual dichotomy, where on the one hand this is not a problem when the local leadership of kinship politics is able to bring prosperity together. However, on the other hand, this can become a problem when political actors abuse power that perpetuates the strengthening of the oligarchy and ignores the original goal of decentralization, namely, to bring prosperity and a dignified quality of life. Candidates who are affiliated with kinship politics face a fairly formidable challenge, namely, to strengthen regional competitiveness in a sustainable manner based on the principle of transparency in order to maintain public trust during the COVID-19 pandemic."

"One of the entrances for women in politics is through kinship. In the 2020 regional head elections in Central Java, the nomination of women from incumbent families or political elites took place in various regions. Some have political experience; some have less experience. This paper examines how the nomination and victory of female candidates, whether because of kinship, or the need for experience, personal qualities, or other reasons. This research is descriptive with a qualitative approach, using data from the results of the vote, candidate data, and some related information. This study found that female candidates with kinship relations do not always win elections, but must have political capital, social capital, and competence, as well as support from political parties."

"The 2020 Regional Head Election continued to show the presence of Kinship Politics at the regional level, including in Jambi. The incumbents encouraged their family members to run as candidates in the election for Governor and Deputy Governor of Jambi, Regent of Batang Hari, and Mayor of Sungai Penuh. Surprisingly, Kinship politics failed to win in all three locations. This study aimed to analyze the failure of Kinship politics in the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi (namely Yuninta Asmara-Muhammad Mahdan in Batang Hari Regency, Cek Endra-Ratu Munawaroh in the election for the Governor of Jambi, and Fikar Azami-Yos Andrino in the election for Mayor of Sungai Penuh) through an independent observation from November 2020 to January 2021, as well as documentation of data and news related to the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi. The failure of the three candidate pairs was due to: first, the lack of public trust in the incumbent's family; second, the lack of campaign fund contributions; third, lack of promotions for the candidate pairs on social media; fourth, the lack of political communication between candidates, political parties, and constituents, while the alternative candidates optimally, effectively and efficiently managed the campaign team, campaign logistics, and their constituents; five, the alternative candidates' track records showed better credibility and capability; and six, better electability and acceptability of the alternative candidates. This study concluded that Jambi could be an example of minimizing the dominance of Kinship politics by using an alternative candidate who has a solid team, good online campaign management, and effective logistics management. Jambi can be a barometer of the rise of real democracy."

"This paper aims to study the development the dynasty politics phenomenon in Solo, especially from the public perspective after the 2020 regional head election. Gibran, the son of the President of the Republic of Indonesia ran as a candidate for mayor of Solo. Gibran involvement during the regional head election raised pros and cons in Indonesia. The practice of kinship politics in Indonesia is increasingly worrying. The reason is that most of the regulations tend to preserve the oligarchy. The flourishing of kinship politics, especially in the regions, cannot be separated from the role of = political parties and regulations on regional head election. The study used quantitative approach with questionnaires and literature review. The results wereprocessed using SmartPLS 3.0 software with four independent variable: network strength, position in the party, unequal democracy, and capital. The study showed that only two independent variables influenced the occurrence of kinship politics: network strength and capital. This led to talks about the community on political issues, President Jokowi, and changed his leadership image, from previously seen as a president that does not involve families in political matters."

"ABSTRAKStudi ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan pencalonan tunggal dalam kasus mundurnya calon penantang di kabupaten Timor Tengah Utara (TTU). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode eksplorasi kualitatif dan teori arena dari Neil Fligstein dan McAdam. Studi ini menyatakan bahwa pencalonan tunggal di pilkada TTU 2015 diakibatkan oleh struktur arena dan tindakan strategis aktor. Mundurnya penantang potensial didorong oleh adanya perbedaan sumber daya dan keterampilan politik yang relevan dan efektif untuk mobilisasi elektoral. Tidak hanya itu, penantang menarik diri karena merasakan kompetisi yang sangat rentan memicu konflik dan kekerasan. Hal itu karena menguatnya politisasi identitas yang sangat sensitif dan berpotensi memicu kekerasan antar pendukung. Penjelasan ini berbeda dari sejumlah kasus serupa seperti di Blitar (Sobari, 2017), Pati dan Jayapura (Lay et al. 2017). Perbedaan utamanya ada pada konteks arena kontestasi, jenis sumber daya yang penting bagi aktor, dan jalur menuju pencalonan tunggal. Perspektif ekonomi politik (oligarki lokal) dan politik kartel seperti di Pati dan konsep kepemimpinan ideal yang populer di Blitar, bukan penjelasan yang tepat untuk kasus ini. Penantang potensial tidak mengalami kendala dalam hal pendanaan, rekam jejak dan popularitas. Penantang bahkan mendapatkan dukungan mayoritas dari partai-partai politik yang ada. Namun mereka tidak siap melanjutkan kompetisi yang berat dan berpotensi konflik. Penantang meragukan kredibilitas institusi pemilihan dan keamanan. Mereka meyakini kompetisi tidak dapat berjalan secara bebas, adil dan damai setelah melihat petahana menggunakan cara-cara yang tidak demokratis untuk memobilisasi pemilih secara luas. Kondisi itu mendorong mereka untuk mundur agar pemilihan itu di tunda sehingga peluang mereka bisa menjadi lebih baik.

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ABSTRACT

This study aims to explain the sole candidacy in the case of the withdrawal of the prospective opponent in North Central Timor district (TTU). It focuses on answering the main question of why this case could happen. The research, which uses a qualitative exploratory method and the arena theory of Neil Fligstein and McAdam, states that the sole candidacy in North Central Timor district (TTU) election was caused by the arena stucture and the actors strategic action.The withdrawal of the potential opponent was caused by the the differences in political skill and in effective and relevant resources to mobilize voters. Besides, the opponent felt that the competition was likely to trigger conflict and violence as the most sentitive identity politization got stronger and could trigger violence between supporters. The explanation differs from a number of similar cases in Blitar (Sobari, 2017), Pati and Jayapura (Lay et al. 2017). The main differences are on the context of competition arena, the type of important resources for the actor and the path or procedure leading to the sole candidacy. The political economy perspective (local oligarchy) in Pati and the concept of ideal leadership in Blitar are not at all the appropriate explanation for this. The opponent did not have any problem in terms of fund, track record, and populariy. They even got support from most political parties in that district but they were not ready to continue the competition which was heavy and that could cause conflict. They doubted the credibility of security and election institutions. Having seen the opponent using non-democratic ways in mobilizing voters massively, they were sure that the competition would not be freely, fairly and peacefully done. This condition made them withdraw in order that the election could be delayed and would in turn give them a better opportunity."