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"Upacara sangjit adalah salah satu rangkaian upacara pernikahan orang Tionghoa keturunan Hakka yang dilakukan sebelum melangsungkan pernikahan. Terdapat acara, barang seserahan, lokasi dan kebiasaan dalam menjalankan upacara sangjit yang diwariskan turun-temurun. Dalam perkembangannya, terjadi perubahan yang dinamis dari waktu ke waktu dalam menjalankan upacara sangjit. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan penyederhanaan yang terjadi pada upacara sangjit pada pernikahan Tionghoa yang dilakukan pada tahun 1967 hingga tahun 2020. Penelitian ini termasuk ke penelitian lapangan (field research) dan hasil penelitian dideskripsikan secara kualitatif. Penelitian lapangan ini menggunakan metode wawancara dengan 8 informan yang pernah melakukan upacara sangjit dalam waktu yang berbeda. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa terjadi beberapa perubahan lokasi, rangkaian acara, barang seserahan, dan tujuan melakukan upacara sangjit. Lokasi melakukan upacara sangjit yang awalnya rumah keluarga perempuan kini dapat diadakan di tempat umum. Tujuan melakukan upacara sangjit yang awalnya untuk membicarakan tanggal pernikahan juga berubah tidak lagi untuk membicarakan tanggal pernikahan, melainkan menjadi wadah perkenalan dan silahturahmi antara kedua belah keluarga. Secara garis besar, rangkaian acara dan barang seserahan sama, namun tetap ada perubahan yang terjadi.  Sebagian keluarga kini menggabungkan upacara lamaran dengan upacara sangjit.  Barang seserahan yang terkesan sulit tidak lagi dibawa agar lebih praktis.

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Sangjit ceremony is one of Chinese Hakka wedding ceremonies which are held before getting married. There are a series of events, offerings, location and customs in carrying out the sangjit ceremony which have been passed down from generation to generation. In its development, there have been dynamic changes from time to time in carrying out the sangjit ceremony. This paper aims to explain the simplifications that occur during the sangjit ceremony at Chinese weddings which were carried out from 1967 to 2020. This research used field research methods and the results of the research were described qualitatively.  This field research used the interview method with 8 Chinese people who had performed sangjit at different times. The results of the research found that there were several changes in location, series of events, offerings, and the purpose of performing sangjit. The location for performing sangjit, which was originally the women's family home, can now be held in a public place. The purpose of doing sangjit ceremony, which was originally to discuss the wedding date has also changed, it no longer to discuss the wedding date, but instead to become a place for introductions between the two families. Broadly speaking, the series of events and items on offerings have not changed much, but there have still been changes. Some families are now combining the engagement ceremony with the sangjit ceremony. Offering items that seem difficult to find are no longer carried so that they are more practical."

"Upacara persembahan teh atau disebut dengan istilah Teh Pai (茶拜Chá bài), telah menjadi salah satu bagian dari rangkaian acara pernikahan orang Tiongkok sejak Dinasti Tang (唐朝 Táng cháo) (618-906 SM). Upacara persembahan teh ini juga dilakukan dalam acara pernikahan orang Indonesia keturunan Tionghoa hingga sekarang. Penelitian ini bertujuan menjelaskan mengapa Teh Pai dalam pernikahan orang Indonesia keturunan Tionghoa masih bertahan hingga sekarang. Penjelasan mengenai masih dipertahankannya Teh Pai di Indonesia hingga saat ini akan dipaparkan melalui teori semiotika Peirce. Selain itu, dalam penelitian ini juga dibahas rangkaian acara Teh Pai. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif melalui wawancara dan ditunjang studi kepustakaan berupa buku, artikel, jurnal, dan kamus. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa rangkaian prosesi Teh Pai masih terus dilaksanakan karena meyimbolkan ajaran bakti. Ajaran bakti atau 孝 xiào dari Konfusius (孔夫子 Kǒng Fūzǐ) akan membentuk moral baik seseorang melalui perilaku bakti kepada orang tua. Selama masyarakat Indonesia keturunan Tionghoa masih memegang teguh ajaran bakti, maka Teh Pai masih tetap dilaksanakan.

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Tea ceremony, also known as Teh Pai (茶拜 Chá bài), has been a part of the Chinese wedding ceremony since the Tang Dynasty (唐朝 Táng cháo) (618-906 BC). Teh Pai has also been a part of Chinese-Indonesian wedding ceremony until now. The purpose of this study is to explain why Teh Pai in Chinese-Indonesian wedding still persists to the present day. An explanation of the ongoing existence of Teh Pai will be presented through Peirce's semiotic theory. In addition, this paper also explains the processions of Teh Pai ceremony. This study uses qualitative research methods through interviews and is supported by literary works in the form of books, articles, journals, and dictionary. The conclusion of this research shows that the ceremony of Teh Pai processions symbolize the teachings of fillial piety. Filial piety or xiao 孝 Xiào taught by Confucius (孔夫子 Kǒng fūzǐ), will shape someone's good moral character through filial behavior towards their parents. As long as Chinese-Indonesian people still adhere to values of filial piety, Teh Pai will still continue to be practiced."

"Makalah ini membahas mengenai ritual berkabung dalam upacara kematian masyarakat peranakan Tionghoa di Tangerang. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan secara lengkap apa yang dimaksud dengan ritual berkabung dalam upacara kematian, apa saja yang harus dilakukan saat berkabung dan menjelaskan berapa lama waktu yang dibutuhkan untuk berkabung. Melalui penelitian ini diharapkan masyarakat dapat memahami tata cara ritual berkabung dalam upacara kematian masyarakat peranakan Tionghoa di Tangerang.

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This paper discusses the mourning ritual of the funeral ceremony practiced by half-breed Chinese community in Tangerang. This research aims to describe the definition of the mourning ritual of the funeral ceremony; things that are supposed to do when practising it; and tries to explain how long the time takes normally in the mourning period. Upon this research, it is expected that people could better comprehend the etiquette of mourning ritual of the funeral ceremony practiced by the half-breed Chinese community in Tangerang."

"Makalah ini akan mengupas upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok' dalam upacara pernikahan peranakan Tionghoa di Tangerang (Cina Benteng). Dalam penelitian ini akan dipaparkan makna dari makan 'dua-belas mangkok' dalam tata urutan upacara pernikahan masyarakat Cina Benteng dan bagaimana pelaksanaan upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok' itu sendiri. Tujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu untuk menjelaskan apa sebenarnya makna di balik upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok', apa saja hidangan dalam 'dua-belas mangkok' tersebut, serta bagaimana tata cara upacaranya. Melalui laporan penelitian ini diharapkan masyarakat akan memahami secara mendalam apa makna dari upacara makan 'dua-belas mangkok' di dalam tata upacara pernikahan peranakan Tionghoa di Tangerang (Cina Benteng).

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This paper will discuss the eating ritual 'dua-belas mangkok' in the wedding ceremony of Chinese-Indonesian society in Tangerang (Cina Benteng). This research will explain the meaning of eating 'dua-belas mangkok' in the process of Cina Benteng wedding ceremony and how the ritual 'dua-belas mangkok' is implemented. The purpose of this research is to explain the meaning behind eating ritual 'dua-belas mangkok', what are the dishes in the 'dua-belas mangkok' ritual, and how to do the ritual. People are expected to understand deeply the meaning of eating ritual 'dua-belas mangkok' in the process of wedding ceremony of Chinese-Indonesian society in Tangerang (Cina Benteng) through this paper. "

"Jurnal ini membahas mengenai akulturasi upacara kematian masyarakat Cina Benteng di Tangerang, Banten. Masyarakat Cina Benteng adalah orang-orang keturunan Tionghoa yang tinggal di wilayah Tangerang, Banten. Nama Cina Benteng berasal dari kata ldquo;Benteng rdquo;, nama lama kota Tangerang. Kata ldquo;Benteng rdquo; dalam istilah Cina Benteng mengacu pada Benteng Makassar, yang terletak disisi timur sungai Cisadane. Tujuan dari penilitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan secara lengkap bagaimana ritual upacara kematian masyarakat tradisional Tionghoa dan menjelaskan bagaimana ritual upacara kematian masyarakat Cina Benteng yang telah mengalami akulturasi dengan budaya masyarakat setempat di Tangerang, Banten. Selain itu, juga untuk menunjukan bagaimana upacara kematian menjadi salah satu titik temu antara dua budaya yang berbeda dan melihat sejauh mana budaya tradisional masih mempengaruhi budaya yang sudah terakulturasi melalui upacara kematian. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa upacara kematian masyarakat Cina Benteng telah terakulturasi dengan budaya upacara kematian masyarakat Non- Cina Benteng di sekitarnya. Oleh karena itu, dalam upacara kematian Cina Benteng terdapat beberapa bagian yang berbeda dari upacara kematian masyarakat tradisional Tionghoa. Upacara kematian masyarakat Cina Benteng lebih sederhana dalam pelaksanaannya. Selain itu, akulturasi kematian masyarakat Cina Benteng terjadi karena adanya pergeseran zaman dan pergeseran budaya.

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This journal talks about the acculturation of the death ceremony of Chinese Benteng community in Tangerang, Banten. Chinese Benteng are people of Chinese descentdant who live in Tangerang, Banten. The name of Chinese Benteng comes from the word ldquo;Benteng rdquo; means ldquo;Fort rdquo; , which is the old name of city of Tangerang. The word Benteng in the term of Chinese Benteng refers to Benteng of Makassar Makassar Fort , which lies on the east side of the Cisadane river.

The purpose of this research is to fully describe the death ceremony ritual of the Chinese Traditional community and the death ceremony ritual of Chinese Benteng people that has been acculturated with the culture of the local community in Tangerang, Banten. In addition, it shows how the death ceremony became the point of intersections between two different cultures and to what extent the traditional cultures still affect the culture that has been acculturated through the death ceremony. The method used in this research is qualitative method.

The result of this research shows that the death ceremony of Chinese Benteng community has been acculturated with the death ceremony of Non-Chinese Benteng community in Tangerang. Therefore, the death ceremony of Chinese Benteng is different in some parts from the death ceremony of traditional Chinese community. The death ceremony of the Chinese Benteng community is more simple in its implementation. In addition, the acculturation of death ceremony of Chinese Benteng community also occurred due to the changing of time and culture."

"Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara yang terdapat banyak masyarakat etnis Tionghoa. Di wilayah JABODETABEK, banyak keturunan Tionghoa melakukan bisnis. Bisnis barang merepresentasikan identitas orang Tionghoa sebagai pedagang. Topik dari penelitian ini adalah pemakaian kata “bos” yang ditujukan kepada pebisnis Tionghoa yang merupakan penelitian di bidang bahasa, budaya, dan sosial. Rumusan masalah dari penelitian ini adalah apa saja jenis usaha dagang pebisnis Tionghoa di JABODETABEK, bagaimana hubungan sosial antara penyapa dengan orang yang disapa “bos”, dan apa makna implisit dari penyapa kepada orang yang disapa “bos”. Pengambilan data dilakukan dengan mewawancarai informan untuk memperoleh data yang akan dipilah menjadi data yang siap dianalisis. Metode penelitian yang digunakan pada penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif. Melalui analisis data, penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa sapaan “bos” terhadap pebisnis Tionghoa di JABODETABEK memiliki implikasi pada penggunaan katanya.

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Indonesia is one of the countries where there are many ethnic Chinese communities. In the JABODETABEK area, many Chinese descendants do business. The goods business represents the identity of Chinese people as merchants. The topic of this study is the use of the word "boss" which is addressed to Chinese businessmen which is research in the fields of language, culture, and social. The formulation of the problem from this study is what are the types of trading businesses of Chinese businessmen in JABODETABEK, how is the social relationship between the greeter and the person called "boss", and what is the implicit meaning of the greeter to the person called "boss". Data collection is carried out by interviewing informants to obtain data that will be sorted into data that is ready to be analyzed. The research method used in this study is qualitative descriptive method. Through data analysis, this study proves that the greeting "boss" to Chinese businessmen in JABODETABEK has implications for the use of the word."

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini membahas tentang festival Tabut sebagai salah satu kebudayaan yang dibudidayakan oleh masyarakat kota Bengkulu. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam skripsi ini adalah metode sejarah. Hasil analisis yang penulis dapatkan, Tabut adalah sebuah tradisi bawaan yang masuk ke Bengkulu karena dibawa oleh orang Bengali, India Selatan. Pada saat itu orang-orang Bengali ini masuk ke Bengkulu untuk menjadi pekerja dalam membangun Benteng Malborough milik Inggris. Tabut selalu dirayakan pada 1-10 Muharam setiap tahunnya. Tabut memiliki ritual khusus yang kegiatannya hanya boleh dilakukan oleh keluarga asli keturunan Tabut yang dinamai KKT (Kerukunan Keluarga Tabot). Ritual tersebut antara lain mengambik tanah, duduk penja, menjara, meradai, arak seroban, arak gedang, dan tabut tebuang. Tabut terbagi menjadi dua, yaitu Tabut Sakral dan Tabut Pembangunan. Tabut sakral adalah tabut resmi milik keluarga Tabut sedangkan Tabut Pembangunan adalah tabut pemerintah yang dibuat untuk ikut meramaikan kegiatan festival ini. Tabut merupakan budaya dari kaum Bengali, India Selatan yang kini telah berakulturasi dengan budaya lokal.

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ABSTRACTThis Minithesis explain about Tabut‟s festival as a culture which cultivation by Bencoolen. The research methods that using in this minithesis is history methods. The results from this research, Tabut is a culture which entered to Bencoolen by Bengali‟s people from South India. In the past, Bengali‟s people entered to Bencoolen to became employee who building fort malborough‟s of England. Tabut‟s usually attend on 1-10 Muharram in every year. Tabut‟s have special rituals that only doing by the real family of Tabut who the named KKT (Kerukunan Keluarga Tabut). The rituals is mengambik tanah, duduk penja, menjara, meradai, arak seroban, arak gedang, and tabut tebuang. Tabut divided into two, like Sakral‟s Tabut and Building‟s Tabut. Sakral‟s tabut is an official Tabut from Tabut‟s family, meanwhile Building‟s Tabut is a Government‟s Tabut which made for enliven this festival. Tabut is a culture from Bengali‟s people, South India which have acculturation with local culture of Bengkulu.;"

"Tugas Akhir ini menggambarkan persepsi sebagian kecil masyarakat Tionghoa yang beragama Kristen dan Katolik terhadap ritual Ceng Beng. Para responden yang dijadikan objek penelitian adalah 12 orang responden yang berdomisili di Jakarta. Praktek Ceng Beng merupakan suatu bentuk penghormatan kepada leluhur yang sudah meninggal dunia. Dengan melakukan Ceng Beng itu artinya seseorang telah mengamalkan salah satu nilai ajaran Konfusius mengenai rasa bakti terhadap orang tua. Meskipun demikian, kini upacara ini mulai ditinggalkan oleh etnis Tionghoa di Jakarta karena menurut mereka upacara Ceng Beng tidak sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang ada dalam ajaran agama resmi yang mereka anut. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa faktor agama dan pemahaman dalam memahami upacara Ceng Beng memainkan peran yang cukup besar dalam membentuk persepsi para responden terhadap ritual Ceng Beng.

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This thesis illustrates the perception of a small group of Chinese people who are Christians and Catholics towards the ritual of Ceng Beng. The respondents who were the object of the study were 12 respondents domiciled in Jakarta. The practice of Ceng Beng is a form of respect to the deceased ancestors. By doing Ceng Beng it means that one has practiced one of the values of Confucius that teachings on filial piety to parents. However, now this ceremony began to be abandoned by ethnic Chinese in Jakarta. Because they thought the Ceng Beng ceremony was not in accordance with the values in the institutional religions teachings that they were follow. The results of this study showed that religious factors and understanding of the Ceng Beng ceremony itself played a considerable role in forming respondents perception of Ceng Beng ritual."

"ln this thesis I discuss about the ancestor worship in in the Chinese-Hakka family and community in Singkawang-West Kalimantan (Borneo). The central concem of this study is the description and analysis of ancestor worship in rituals of death within family as conducted at the home, at place managed by Chinese burial association, and burial place, before and after burial. The main issue raised in this thesis is the function of ancestor worship for Hakka family and community of Singkawang, which based on Mauss (1992) and Suparlan (l978)?s exchange theory is to tighten the kinship relations between family members who are alive or living in this world-the ?real world? and their ancestors in the atier-life world or the ?unreal world?. The reason for the Hakka people of Singkawang to worship their ancestors. besides showing their filial piety (xiao) to ancestor. is also to ask for protection and assistance from them. In the time of needs or problems, members of a Hakka family or community will ask their ancestor spirits to help and protect him or her, and in return they will reciprocate the ancestors? help by providing food and beverages, as well as by paying respect to them, and all of these are conducted through rituals at the burial place or temples. This form or exchange is always maintained because it benefited both sides. Death and death rituals in Hakka family are the most important part ol ancestor worship among the Chinese-Hakka in Singkawang. There would be no ancestor worship without death and death rituals. According to Hakka people?s beliefs, the well-being of their ancestors in the after-life will determine their well- being or the well-being of related family in this life. In Chinese culture, as stated by Mencius, the most revered Confucian philosopher after Confucius himself, ?the greatest of all sins is to have no sons to carry on the ancestral line and continue the ancestors? worship? (see McCreey in Scupin, 2000: 286). Therefore, ?sons? is the operative world for Chinese in general. Traditional Chinese society is a patrilineal society in which Family surname and the right to a share of the family property descends from father to son. Daughters, once they married, their duty is to serve their parents-in-law, to worship their husband?s ancestors, and above all, to provide sons to continue their husband?s family line. Thus, usually daughters are not expected to share the burden of ancestor?s worship within their original family. In this thesis, I show that in Hakka family and community in Singkawang, in contrast to the abovementioned Chinese tradition, daughters who have married, together with their husbands, could come and share the burden of ancestor worship duty in the daughters? original family, as long as they do not take the place of sons as the leader of the family. Hakka family and community in Singkawang too see ancestor worship as means to gather members of related family, from both patrilineal and matrilineal sides, at one place and at a particular time, not only to conduct rituals and to worship their ancestors, but also to talk about family economy as well as other metters among family members. The ancestor worship of Haldta family and community in Singkawang does not only benefit members of related family, but, as a matter of fact, also provides some advantages for members of other ethnic groups, such as the Madurese and the Dayaks, particularly those who live near the Chinese burial place. During Ching Ming Jie or Chinese Toms Festival and Zhong Yuan Jie or Hungry Ghost Festival, these people-the Madurese and the Dayaks--could ask to help Hakka families to clean or cut grass on their ancestors? graves in return for a little money."

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini membahas makna dari istilah ?Cina? di Indonesia jika ditinjau secara etimologis, penggunaannya di masyarakat, serta pendapat warga negara Indonesia non-keturunan Tionghoa. Topik ini diambil karena selama ini istilah ?Cina? cenderung dianggap memiliki makna diskriminatif dan makna negatif lainnya bagi keturunan Tionghoa di Indonesia. Metode yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian kepustakaan dalam bidang sosiolinguistik dan peneliian lapangan dengan melakukan survei menggunakan kuesioner sebagai alat pengumpul data. Hasil penelitian akan menguraikan makna istilah ?Cina? di Indonesia secara etimologis dan penggunaan istilah ini di masyarakat, serta memaparkan pendapat warga negara Indonesia non-keturunan Tionghoa mengenai istilah ?Cina?.

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ABSTRACTThe term ?Cina? in Indonesian social usage is perceived as a derogatory term by a certain people who are Indonesian Chinese descendants. According to them, ?Cina? has a negative and discrimination sense. This field research tries to describe the ?Cina? term from sociolinguistic and etimological point of view. Not like formerly researches which used Indonesian Chinese descendants as their informants, in this research I use the Indonesian indigenous people. The data are collected from questionnaires answered by informants. The result will describe the meaning of ?Cina? in Indonesia, and other non-derogatory terms such as ?Tiongkok? and ?Tionghoa? from etimological perspective. Beside that, I will describe the Indonesian indigenous people?s opinion about the ?Cina? term as showed by the data."