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"ABSTRACTThe local head election in Indonesia suffers from vote buying. However, there is a lack of study compared to vote buying case in Indonesia, especially quantitative study. Therefore, this study aims to fill the gap. The purpose is to estimate the effect of individual and community characteristics on the probability of voter to consider money or gifts in a local head election. This study uses the data from Indonesia Family Life Survey 5 (IFLS5) conducted in 2014/2015 for 29,788 respondents. As the response is a binary data, the Linear Probability Model (LPM) and logit model is utilized. The result shows that both individual and community characteristics affect vote buying in Indonesia. Voters with tertiary education are far less likely to consider money or gift by 29.1% than others. By using logit test, the coefficient is corrected. Voters with a university degree tend to not engage in vote buying by 0.27 times than the others. This study finds other interesting findings that gender matter in vote buying in Indonesia. Female voters tend to consider money or gift more than male by 2.44%. Voters who live in rural areas have a higher probability to consider vote buying by 4.55%. Living in the internet-connected community may reduce the probability of vote buying. The coefficient indicates that those with internet access have less probability to consider money or gift in an election by 1.35%. Living in a community with high social awareness makes voters less vulnerable to vote buying. The coefficient indicates that they have less possibility to consider money by 2.44% than those living in communities with less social awareness. Thus, the strategy to eliminate vote buying should be adjusted to the character of voters in a certain community."

"Tesis ini membahas kasus perpindahan suara dalam Pemilihan Umum Presiden tahun 2014 dan 2019 yang merupakan pertandingan ulang antara Jokowi dengan Prabowo. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana perubahan suara para milenial urban pelajar pendidikan tinggi sebagai unit analisis, serta untuk mengetahui apakah media sosial berkontribusi dalam pengambilan keputusan tersebut. Menggunakan pendekatan Columbia dan Michigan dalam model sosial psikologis, kebaharuan yang disajikan adalah adanya perubahan konsep komunikasi massa yang telah bergabung dengan komunikasi interpersonal dalam konsep mass selfcommunication. Penelitian dilakukan secara kualitatif dalam paradigma post-positivism dengan metode holistic single-case study. Analisis dilakukan dengan teknik analisis pattern-matching logic dengan logika pencocokan pola model sosial dan psikologis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan variabel sosial yang berkontribusi adalah agama dan etnis dari pemilih dan keluarga pemilih. Terkait dengan variabel psikologi, penelitian ini menunjukkan tidak adanya identifikasi partai, yang ada adalah evaluasi kandidat dan orientasi isu. Preferensi isu yang diinginkan adalah isu Hak Asasi Manusia dan Isu Perempuan. Kinerja petahana dipandang baik dalam infrastruktur dan buruk dalam manajemen manusia serta anggaran. Penantang memiliki koherensi identitas yang berbeda dengan kontestasi Pilpres 2014. Meme politik menjadi gerbang diskusi dalam kelompok sosial serta pencarian lebih lanjut dalam mengetahui identitas kandidat. Kemampuan kandidat dalam debat sangat berkontribusi dalam proses penetapan keputusan pemilih. Millenial swing voters tidak melakukan mass self-communication jika itu terkait dengan politik karena tidak ingin identitas politik mereka diketahui pengguna media berita daring dan media sosial.

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This thesis discussed about voting in the 2014 and 2019 Presidential Elections which was a rematch between Jokowi and Prabowo. The purpose of this study is to explain swing voters in college urban students millennial generation as unit of analysis, as well to find out whether social media contributes to their swing decisions.

By using Columbia and Michigan in the socio psychological model, the novelty presented was a change in the concept of mass communication that had been joined interpersonal communication in the concept of mass communication. The study was conducted qualitatively in the post-positivism paradigm with a single holistic case study method. The analysis had been done by matching the pattern of logic with matching pattern of social and psychological logic.

The results showed the social variables that contributed were religion and ethnicity of the voters and the voters' families. Related to psychological variables, this study shows there was no parties identification, but instead an assessment of candidates and discussion of problems. The preference issues that desired by millennial swing voters was Human Rights and Women's Issues. The incumbent's performance had been seen as good in infrastructure but poor in human management and budget. The challenger had a different identity coherence than on the last contestation in 2014.

Political memes lead to discussions in social groups as well as further findings of a candidate's identity. The ability of candidates in debates greatly contributes to the process of determining election decisions. Millennial swing voters did not engage in mass self-communication if it related to politics because they did not want their political identity to be known by press and on social media."

"Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh kenyataan di lapangan banyaknya hubungan atau relasi yang terputus di antara para aktor politik dimana hubungan yang terputus tersebut menciptakan ruang kosong yang disebut dengan celah struktur (structural holes). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat celah struktur di dalam jaringan komunikasi politik di Indonesia dalam studi kasus pemilihan Presiden 2014. Untuk mendapatkan hasil penelitian diatas digunakan metodologi gabungan atau biasa disebut dengan mix methods dengan paradigma post positivis. Dari analisa terhadap temuan lapangan di dapatkan hasil bahwa celah struktur (structural holes) di dalam jaringan komunikasi politik di Indonesia tercipta dari relasi yang luas, yang memiliki tujuan tertentu yang jelas, bersifat formal, kolektif serta oleh aktor yang memiliki jabatan formal di partai politik. Sedangkan aktor yang diuntungkan (tertius gaudens) merupakan orang yang memiliki jabatan formal tinggi di partai politik serta memiliki kesamaan pekerjaan sebagai anggota parlemen.

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The background of this research is caused by the reality in the field reality that there are relations which have been disconnected among political actors, and that those disconnected communications create empty space called as structural holes. This research aims to observe at the structural holes in the political communication network in Indonesia in the case study of the 2014 Presidential General Election. To obtain the research result, a mixed method is used, and it is usually called a mixed method with post positivism paradigm.

From the analysis towards the field findings, the results obtained are that the structural holes in the political communication network in Indonesian have been created from a wide relation, having certain clear, formal, and collective objectives and conducted by actors having a formal position in a political party. Nevertheless, the actor gaining the advantages (tertius gaudens) are those who have persons who have a high formal position in a political party and have a similar job as a Parliament member."

"Penelitian ini menggali bagaimana sepasang kandidat menggunakan pendekatan branding dalam kontestasi pilkada. Perumusan dan penerapan political branding Jokowi-Ahok, pemenang Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2012, menjadi sentral tulisan ini. Melalui wawancara mendalam dengan pihak yang terlibat dalam penerapan konsep ini, ditemukan bahwa kemampuan membaca konteks sosial, politik, historis menjadi dasar political branding Jokowi-Ahok, khususnya dalam menentukan positioning, political brand dan media komunikasi yang sesuai. Berdasarkan analisis tadi, merek politik pun dibuat bertumpu pada kekuatan figur pasangan guna meraih simpati publik, dibantu dengan wacana politik, cara kampanye, dan baju kotak-kotak. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bagaimana branding diterapkan pada konteks politik untuk menggalang partisipasi di tengah situasi politik yang semakin tersekularisasi.

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This research studies how a pair of candidates adopts branding approach to win a local election. Jokowi-Ahok’s political branding, the winning pair of the 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election becomes the central of this paper. In depth interviews with their branding expertise were conducted, and it is found that the proficiency in understanding social, political, and historical context became the foundation of Jokowi-Ahok’s political branding, including positioning, political brand, and media used for communicating the brand. Their political brand was then made to rely most on their figures, yet political ideas, campaign maneuvers and checkers shirt also play a part. The result of this research shows how branding approach is applied in political context to gain political participation in the more secularized politics."

"Penelitian ini menganalisis situasi sosial masyarakat Sibolga sejak awal berdirinya Kota Sibolga sampai pada pemilihan Walikota Sibolga periode 2015-2020. Dengan judul penelitian “ORANG BATAK DAN URANG PASISI DI SIBOLGA;Suatu Kajian Tentang Politik Identitas Pada Pemilihan Walikota Sibolga Periode 2015-2020.” Penelitian ini mendapat realita perubahan situasi sosial masyarakat Kota Sibolga terkini berdialektika dengan kondisi politik dan religi yang aktif, secara internal, masyarakat Kota Sibolga terbagi atas tiga kelompok etnik, yakni: etnis Batak Toba,Urang Pasisi dan etnis migratif lainnya. Ketiga kelompok etnik ini turut membawa pengaruh religi pada praktik kehidupan yang berimbas pada perilaku politik masyarakat Kota Sibolga. Sibolga secara geografis merupakan kota administratif yang berada dibawah naungan Provinsi Sumatera Utara.Penelitian ini menggunakan sudut pandang sejarah untuk dapat mengungkapkan latar belakang terjadinya fragmentasi etnik Batak di daerah Pesisir Sibolgga dan mengkombinasikannya dengan realita kultural masa kini; sosial media untuk mendapatkan data penelitian yang bersifat sinkronik dan diakronik. Pengungkapan kontestasi politik yang terjadi dengan pertautan sejarah dengan realita sosial media berupaya memberikan gambaran etnografi yang bersifat holistik dan menjelaskan perjumpaan dimensi sejarah migratif, politik, kultural dan religi dalam fenomenaetnisitas.Pada mulanya masuknya religi dari luar ke tanah Batak menyebabkan terjadinya fragmentasi kultural, religi dan politik; masuknya agama Islam ke tanah Batak dan meninggalkan nilai budaya Batak dengan alasan utama praktik keagamaan yang menolak bentuk praktik budaya leluhur Batak, begitupun dengan masuknya agama Kristen ke tanah Batak yang turut menanggalkan nilai budaya Batak karena alasanalasan keagamaan, terdapat bagian ketiga kelompok masyarakat yang tetap mempertahankan nilai budaya Batak hingga ruang dan waktu masa kini. Pada perkembangannya, etnik Batak bermigrasi ke wilayah pesisir Sibolga dengan turut membawa fragmentasi perspektif terhadap nilai-nilai religi yang kemudian turut menjadi dimensi kontestasi pada ranah politik pemilihan walikota Sibolga tahun 2015-2020. Kontestasi politik yang terjadi adalah bias dari larutnya nilai religi dalam kehidupan masyarakat Sibolga dan turut meminggirkan nilai-nilai kultural sebagai nilai yang awalnya diadopsi pada praktik kehidupan sehingga memunculkan ruang rekonstruksi etnik pada kehidupan masyarakat pesisir Sibolga yang adaptif terhadap kehidupan keseharian masa kini.

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This study analyzes the social situation of the Sibolga since the inception of the Sibolga until the election of the Mayor of Sibolga for the 2015-2020 period. With the title of research ORANG BATAK AND URANG PASISI; A Study of Identity Politics in the Election of the Mayor of Sibolga 2015-2020.

This study found the reality of changes in the social situation of the Sibolga in a current dialectic with political and religious conditions, internally, the Sibolga people was divided into three ethnic groups, namely: Toba Batak, Pesisir and other migrative ethnicities. These three ethnic groups also have a religious influence on the practices of life which have an impact on the political behavior of the people of Sibolga. Sibolga is

geographically an administrative city under the auspices of the Province of North Sumatra.

At first the entry of religions from outside into the Batak land caused cultural, religious and political fragmentation; the entry of Islam into the Batak land and leaving the cultural values of the Batak with the main reasons of religious practices that reject the forms of cultural practices of the Batak ancestors, as well as the entry of Christianity into the Batak land which helped strip the Batak cultural values for religious reasons,

there is a third part of the community while maintaining the value of the Batak culture up to the present time and space. In its development, the Batak ethnic group migrated to the Sibolga coast by contributing to the fragmentation of perspectives on religious values which later became a dimension of contestation in the political realm of the election of the mayor of Sibolga in 2015-2020. The political contestation that occurred was a bias from the dissolution of religious values in the lives of Sibolga people and helped marginalize cultural values as values originally adopted in life practices so as to bring up ethnic reconstruction space in the lives of Pesisir Sibolga peoples which are adaptive to today's daily life. This study uses a historical perspective to reveal the

background of ethnic fragmentation in the Sibolga coastal area and combine it with current cultural realities; social media to get research data that is synchronous and diachronic. Disclosure of political contestation that occurs with the linking of history with the reality of social media seeks to provide a holistic ethnographic picture and explains the encounter of migratory, political, cultural and religious historical dimensions in the phenomenon of ethnicity. "

"Demokrasi yang mempromosikan nilai kesetaraan, keadilan, rasionalitas dan imparsialitas menghadapi tantangan yang bersumber dari praktik penggunaan kesalehan agama. Aktor politik yang bersaing dalam kontestasi politik melakukan komodifikasi dengan cara mengekstensifkan kesalehan mereka dalam praktik penggunaan bahasa. Media sosial salah satunya Twitter menjadi kanal ekstensi kesalehan mereka. Praktik komodifikasi ini menjadikan agama/kesalehan sebagai alat memenangkan kontestasi politik, termasuk kontestasi presiden dan wakil presiden 2019. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengevaluasi praktik komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan aktor politik dalam kontestasi pemilihan 2019. Tujuan detail penelitian ini adalah: (1) Menemukan bentuk-bentuk komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan calon presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2019 dalam pesan-pesan yang mengandung komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan Islam selama kontestasi pemilihan presiden 2019 melalui penggunaan bahasa di akun Twitter mereka; (2) Menggambarkan aspek-aspek kesalehan Islam yang dikomodifikasi oleh calon presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2019 selama masa kontestasi pemilihan presiden 2019 melalui penggunaan bahasa di akun Twitter mereka; (3) Menggambarkan orientasi calon presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2019 dalam pesan-pesan yang mengandung komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan selama masa kontestasi pemilihan presiden 2019 melalui penggunaan bahasa di akun Twitter mereka. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Komodifikasi Mosco. Konsep ini menjadi pintu masuk dalam kajian ekonomi politik kritikal. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan metode Analisis Multimodalitas terhadap pesan kandidat calon presiden dan wakil presiden 2019, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa aktor politik melakukan komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan dalam bentuk: Komodifikasi Developmentalisme Berbasis-Kesalehan, Komodifikasi ekstensi kesalehan personal-berorientasi sosial, komodifikasi ultra-nasionalisme Berbasis Islamisme, komodifikasi Negara-Sejahtera berdasarkan Islamisme. Penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa komodifikasi ini dengan komodifikasi kesalehan instrumental dalam politik Indonesia. Komodifikasi ini tidak menempatkan kesalehan sebagai tujuan. Sebaliknya, kesalehan sebagai alat untuk tujuan sebenarnya. Dalam kontestasi politik, komodifikasi ini memproduksi nilai tukar elektoral melalui ekstensi komoditas imaterial kesalehan yang berpotensi meningkatkan elektoral. Aktor politik melakukan Komodifikasi kesalehan instrumental melalui peneguhan kapital mereka dan mengasosiasikannya dengan komoditas imaterial kesalehan. Kapital mereka sebagai kandidat politik ber-interplay dengan kesalehan

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Democracy that promotes the values of equality, justice, rationality, and impartiality faces challenges stemming from the practice of using religious piety. Political actors who compete in political contestations carry out commodification by extending their piety in the practice of language usage. Social media (in this case Twitter) transmit their piety extensions. This commodification practice makes religion/piety a tool to win political contestations, including the 2019 presidential and vice-presidential contests. This study aims to evaluate the practice of commodifying the piety extension of political actors in the 2019 election contestation. There are four objectives in this research. They are (1) to Find forms of commodification of the piety extensions of the 2019 president and vicepresident candidates in their messages containing the commodification of Islamic piety extensions during the 2019-presidential election contestation through the use of language on their Twitter accounts; (2) to describe aspects of Islamic piety commodified by the 2019 president and vice-president candidates during the 2019 presidential election contestation through the use of language on their Twitter accounts; (3) to describe the orientation of the 2019 president and vice-president candidates in their messages containing the commodification of piety extensions during the 2019 presidential election contestation period through the use of language on their Twitter accounts. This study uses the concept of Commodification introduced by Vincent Mosco. This concept becomes an entry point in the study of critical political economy, including the political economy of communication). By using a qualitative approach and the Multimodality Analysis method toward political candidate's postings, this study find that political actors commodify Islamic piety extensions which are categorized into four models. They are commodification of piety-based developmentalism, commodification of socialoriented personal piety, commodification of Islamism-based Ultranationalism, commodification of Islamism-based Welfare State. The study concludes that this commodification with the commodification of instrumental piety in Indonesian politics. This commodification does not place piety as a goal but as an instrument to their political goals. In a political contest, this commodification produces an electoral exchange rate through the extension of the immaterial commodity of piety that has the potential to increase electoral power. Political actors carry out the commodification of instrumental piety through strengthening their capital and associating it with the immaterial commodity of piety. Their capitals as political candidate interplay with piety"

"ABSTRACTThis paper deals with the politics of patronage and piety in local elections by examining the role of and dilemma faced by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia, in a local electoral competition. Focusing on the 2017 local election in Brebes, Central Java, this article conjirms previous scholarly works findings of widespread patronage distribution and the impact of rising religious conservatism on electoral competition. However, this papershows that piety and patronage politics neither necessarily maintain oligarchic rule nor provoke intolerance and violence. The case of the electoral competition in Brebes reveals that IslamiC organizations in Indonesia are not immunejrom electoral politic, and due to institutional weaknesses of most political parties in Indonesia, will likely remain important political players by mobilizing support in elections at both the local and national lewd. In a broader context, Islamic mobilization in local elections in Indonesia helps understand the emergence of pious democracy in democratic Muslim-majoniy countries."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilatarbelakangi fenemona transformasi peran kiai setelahreformasi dari yang disebut Geertz sebagai makelar budaya (cultural broker) menjadimakelar politik atau bahkan aktor politik (politic broker). Kiai dan pesantren masihmenjadi tujuan utama dalam mencari dukungan politik dalam pilpres 2014. PesantrenAreng-Areng pada pilpres 2014 dijadikan tempat deklarasi dukungan politik kepadacalon presiden Prabowo oleh kiai se-Jawa Timur. Oleh karena itu, penelitian inidilakukan untuk mencari jawaban Bagaimana bentuk-bentuk peran kiai dalammendukung pasangan Prabowo-Hatta dalam pemilihan presiden tahun 2014.Sebagai pijakan teoritis, penelitian ini menggunakan teori status dan peran(Linton dan Merton), teori elit (Pareto, Mosca dan Keller), dan teori kepemimpinan(Weber). Ketiga teori tersebut diperkuat dengan teori pendukung, yaitu teori patronklien(Scott, Jackson dan Maswadi Rauf)Penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Sedangkan teknik analisa datamenggunakan deskriptif-analitis. Dalam penelitian ini digunakan dua methodepengumpulan data yaitu: Pertama, studi literatur meliputi buku, penelitian terdahulu,berita cetak/online. Kedua, melalui wawancara mendalam (indepth interview)terhadap narasumber para kiai pendukung Prabowo-Hatta, tim sukses dan paraakademisi.Berdasarkan hasil temuan penelitian di lapangan mempertegas penelitianterdahulu terutama pasca reformasi bahwa kiai sebagai makelar (broker) politikmasih berlangsung. Fenomena dapat dilihat bagaimana kepiawaian dan fleksibilitaskiai duntuk menjaga eksistensi kekuasaan informalnya. Sehingga antara kepentinganpesantren, yang diwakili dirinya, dan kepentingan luar keseimbangan tetapterakomodasi. Selain itu bentuk peran politik kiai dalam pemilihan presiden 2014,mencakup sebagai: (1) menggunakan agama untuk kepentingan politik, (2)pembentuk opini,(3) fasilitator, (4) juru kampanye dan penggerak massa.Implikasi teoritis kajian ini menunjukan keterlibatan kiai dalam politikmenguatkan teori patron-klien antara kiai dengan santri. Namun, hubungan patronklien jaga terjadi antara sesama kiai terutama kiai sepuh bertindak sebagai guru(patron) dan kiai yang lebih muda sebagai murid (klien). Demikian juga teori elit dankekuasaan weber relevan untuk digunakan bentuk kekuasaan kiai adalah kekuasaankharismatik-patronase, yaitu kekuasaan yang bersumber dari kharisma sang kiaisebagai elit agama. Teori peran dan status Linton para kiai dengan perangkatnyatidak hanya menjalankan status dan peranannya di wilayah keagamaan saja, merekajuga terlibat dalam wilayah politik, karena faktor kepentingan (interest).

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ABSTRACTThis study is motivated by phenomenon of transformation of kiai role afterreformation which is called Geertz as a cultural broker become political broker oreven political actor. Kiai and boarding school still be main objective in looking forpolitical support in the presidential election. Areng-Areng boarding school on the2014 presidential election be used as a declaration of political support to presidentialcandidate Prabowo by kiai throughout East Java. Therefore, this study was conductedto look answers How the forms of kiai role in supporting the pair of Prabowo-hatta inthe 2014 presidential election.As a theoretical foothold, this study uses the theory of status and role (Lintonand Merton), the theory of elite (Pareto, Mosca, and Keller), and theory of leadership(Weber). These three theory is reinforced with supporting theory, namely the theoryof patron-client (Scott, Jackson, and Maswadi Rauf).This study uses a qualitative approach. While data analysis technique usingdescriptive-analytic. In this study used two methods of collecting data: First, thestudy of literature, including book, previous research, newsprint/online. Second,through in-depth interview to sources the kiai?s supporter Prabowo-Hatta, successfulteam and academics.Based on the result of research in the field reinforce previous research,especially after reformation that kiai as the political broker is still on going. Thephenomenon can be seen how the expertise and flexibility of kiai maintain existenceof informal power. So between the interest of boarding school, that representthemselves, and outside interest balance remains accommodated. In addition, kiai?spolitical role in the 2014 presidential election, includes: (1) use religion for politicalpurposes, (2) opinion formers, (3) the facilitator, (4) campaigners and communitymobilisers.The theoretical implications of this study indicate kiai involvement in politicstrengthen of patron-client between kiai with student. However, the patron-clientrelationship also occur among kiai mainly the elderly kiai which act as teachers(patron) and sub kiai who are younger as a student (client). Likewise, the theory ofelite and power weber relevant to be used forms of kiai power is charismaticpatronagepower, the power that comes from kiai charisma as the religious elite. Thetheory of role and status Linton kiai?s with their device not only run status and role inthe religious sphere, they are also involved in the political realm, because of theinterest."