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"The article focuses on the role of Indonesian of Arab descents in local politics, particularly in two provinces in Outer Islands, East Kalimantan and West Nusa Tenggara. While much have been researched on the role of Arab descents in national Politics such as studies by Hamid Algadri and Bisri Affendy, little is known about their roles in local politics. In East Kalimantan, Indonesian of Arab descents have played political roles up to the level of Vice Governor and other important positions, as far back as the Sultanates period in the 1950s. Similar important political role have also occurred in West Nusa Tenggara where Indonesian of Arab descents were the Chairman of Local Parliament (DPRD) and Assistant to the Governors, both in the1950s and 1960s. The important roles that have been played by Indonesians of Arab descents are made possible by their "local assimilation" to the local indigenous communities, both trough intermarriages; common living in the same residential areas; common Islamic beliefs and their integration into Indonesian political system after dissolution of Indonesian party of Arab descent (PAI) in the 1930s which have differentiated them from the political history of Indonesian of Chinese descent (peranakan Tionghoa)."

"Literature on the history of Islam in Indonesia notes the tremendous role of the Arabs who migrated to Indonesia from Hadramaut (South Yaman) for many centuries. Introduction of Islam through noble people has brought the Arabs both into prestigious status as well as to the Indonesian struggle against the Dutch colonialism. This historical background has continued, but in the last decades there has been a shift in their religious role contributed by various factors, both internal and external factors. This writing focuses only on the internal factor, namely the kinship system which is under rapid changes amongst the Arabs. Based on both research and experience, the author clarifies the relationship between the kinship system and social change in the religious sphere among Arab community in Jakarta."

"The assimilation between Arabic in-migrants from Hadramaut with Javanese noble women has been taking place since the 13th century. Some of their offspring has identified themselves as Arabic Indonesians, especially after Independence, while a proportion of them have chosen to associate themselves with their local Javanese relatives. The latter even has lost their Arabic cultural identity, and as a result, has become Javanese. This article tries to explain why such a phenomenon has materialized using a family case of a Javanese trah-Javanese version of a clan-who has been living outside the Yogyakarta court. By tracing the family lineage; attitude -both culturally and politically- and life-style of certain trah's figures as Javanese in the context of larger meso-institutional and macro-structural systems, this article argues that the fading away of Arabic identity among the offspring of this particular trah could be attributed to two contextual political economic relations between the Dutch and the Javanese rulers in two different eras. The first one was before the Dipanegara war when the relation was mainly economic, namely the Dutch as the trade-corporate (VOC); and the second was afterwards during which time the Dutch managed to consolidate their full total-grip as a colonial power. Furthermore, this article argues that the attitude of the Dutch and the way they treated the offspring this particular Arabic-Javanese court families, and their generational impact, could only be understood within the larger contexts of the day."

"The fate of indigenous knowledge systems has become the concern of many in an era of globalization. These knowledge systems are said to be under the threat of extinction, to be replaced by 'Western', 'scientific', or 'global' knowledge. The author contends that these concerns are more rooted in an overly essentialist attitude that pits the 'local' against the 'global'. He argues that the dynamics of knowledge systems must be better understood using a model of knowledge best suited for this purpose. He further argues that the most promising model is the one based on connectionism and developed by cognitive anthropologists. Drawing examples from the experience of farmers in Lampung, he shows how individuals combine stimuli from various sources to form schemas, thus showing the irrelevance of making hard distinctions between the 'local' and the 'global'."

"The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election."

"Studies on local knowledge are recently important in development program. Such studies remind us to learn from the community before we teach them. This article discusses how local knowledge understood and used to encourage people participation in forest conversation in South Tapanuli, North Sumatera. The author argues that local knowledge in forest management can be revitalized to build participation if only all stakeholders able to make social commitment as part of social capital."

"This paper looks at the deteriorating relations between the population of Sulawesi Utara and the approximately 35,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) who fled there from the neighboring province of Maluku Utara. These IDPs first began arriving in large numbers in November of 1999 when communal violence broke out on the islands of Ternate and Tidore in Maluku Utara. They continued arriving until the violence came to a halt in June of 2000.Initially, relations between the two groups were positive. However, the extended presence of 35,000 IDPs created several problems, including a decrease in wages and an increase in housing costs. Negative perceptions of IDPs and jealously over IDP aid have created further misunderstandings. Additionally, IDP experiences with locals have led them to distrust the local population. On a few occasions these tensions have broken out into violence, and some fear this is a foreshadowing of the future should large numbers of IDPs decide to stay in Sulawesi Utara. This paper examines the relationships between these groups, as well as some of the efforts made by international NGOs to address these issues."

"The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election.The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election."

"In this article some characteristics of women petty vegetable traders from five markets in Pulo Gadung, Jakarta are put forward. Writer had conducted a study of these women at the beginning of 1991. Most of these traders have migrated to Jakarta to look for better living conditions. They work because they have to support their families. They have very long working hours, receive low financial reward, but even though the earnings are very small, the survival of their families depend heavily on these earnings."

"Advisory Board Disputes Divorce dan Marriage (BP4) established government as part of effortsto reduce the divorce rate. But divorce continues from time to time and quantitatively increasingevery year, with a variety of result / impact there of. Prevention and mitigation of the problem of divorce can not be left to government officials just because the problem is multidimensional; social, cultural and moral. To overcome this problem must involve all the elements and social institutions in the local community."