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"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini adalah membahas pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung oleh rakyat pasca perubahan UUD 1945 yang telah dilaksanakan sejak Pemilihan Presiden Dan Wakil Presiden Tahun 2004. Pemilihan Umum secara langsung merupakan pelaksanaan demokrasi oleh masyarakat, memungkinkan timbulnya perselisihan dalam pelaksanaan dan perhitungan suara dalam penentuan pemenang pada pemilihan tersebut, untuk itu skripsi ini menguraikan tata cara penyelesaian sengketa Pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh lembaga peradilan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pemegang kekuasaan untuk mengadili sengketa Pemilu

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ABSTRACTThis paper isto discussthe implementation of the General Election of President and Vice President directly by the people after the 1945 changes that have been implemented since the election of President and Vice President in 2004. Election directly in the exercise of democracy by the people, allowing the emergence of disputes in the implementation and counting in determining the winner in the elections, for this thesis outlines the procedures for dispute resolution election of President and Vice President of the Constitutional Courtas ajudicial institution authority to adjudicate disputes elections"

"Skripsi ini adalah membahas pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung oleh rakyat pasca perubahan UUD 1945 yang telah dilaksanakan sejak Pemilihan Presiden Dan Wakil Presiden Tahun 2004. Pemilihan Umum secara langsung merupakan pelaksanaan demokrasi oleh masyarakat, memungkinkan timbulnya perselisihan dalam pelaksanaan dan perhitungan suara dalam penentuan pemenang pada pemilihan tersebut, untuk itu skripsi ini menguraikan tata cara penyelesaian sengketa Pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh lembaga peradilan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pemegang kekuasaan untuk mengadili sengketa Pemilu

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This paper isto discussthe implementation of the General Election of President and Vice President directly by the people after the 1945 changes that have been implemented since the election of President and Vice President in 2004. Election directly in the exercise of democracy by the people, allowing the emergence of disputes in the implementation and counting in determining the winner in the elections, for this thesis outlines the procedures for dispute resolution election of President and Vice President of the Constitutional Courtas ajudicial institution authority to adjudicate disputes elections."

"[ABSTRAKKedaulatan rakyat, demokrasi, dan pemilihan umum (pemilu) merupakan hal yang terkait satu dengan yang lain. Pemilu menjadi cara yang dipilih untuk menciptakan wakil-wakil rakyat yang dapat merepresentasikan keinginan dan kebutuhan rakyat. Di Indonesia, pemilu dilangsungkan untuk memilih anggota legislatif dan untuk memilih Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia harus memenuhi persyaratan untuk terpilih menjadi Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia. Persyaratan tersebut adalah syarat suara mayoritas mutlak dan syarat persebaran suara. Kedua syarat tersebut diatur dalam Pasal 6A ayat (3) UUD 1945. Pada pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tahun 2014, syarat persebaran suara tidak diberlakukan. Hal ini karena hanya terdapat dua pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Padahal, kehadiran syarat persebaran suara adalah untuk mengakomodasi keberagaman antar daerah di Indonesia. Keberagaman atau perbedaan tersebut terutama dalam hal jumlah penduduk. Hadirnya syarat persebaran suara juga menjadikan daerah sebagai objek sehingga kelak daerah dapat memberikan legitimasinya kepada pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tersebut. Ketidakberlakuan syarat persebaran suara akan membawa berbagai dampak baik dari sisi pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden maupun dari sisi daerah. Dampak yang mungkin timbul diantaranya adalah perolehan suara yang terpusat di daerah-daerah tertentu, muncul konsep minority of directors vs. majority of directed, kampanye yang berfokus pada daerah tertentu, dan pengesampingan makna demokrasi.

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ABSTRACTPeople’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected., People’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected.]"

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini membahas komunikasi yang terjadi dalam persidangan diMahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia (MKRI) sebagai ruang publik.Penelitian kualitatif dilakukan melalui metode studi kasus dengan desain studimultikasus. Dari hasil observasi yang dilakukan dapat diungkapkan bahwa proseskomunikasi persidangan MKRI memenuhi kategori ruang publik. Dalam prosespersidangan memang terjadi adanya intimidasi dalam persidangan di antara parapihak maupun perlakuan tidak setara yang dilakukan oleh Hakim Konstitusi.Namun secara keseluruhan proses komunikasi dalam persidangan MKRI termasuksebagai ruang publik.

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ABSTRACTThis study discusses the communication that occurs in the trial in theConstitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia (MKRI) as a public space.Qualitative research conducted through the case study method to multi-case studydesign. From the observations made can be disclosed that the communicationprocess hearing MKRI meet public space category. In the process of the trial doestake place for intimidation in the trial between the parties or unequal treatment iscarried out by the Constitutional Court. But overall communication process in thetrial MKRI including a public space, This study discusses the communication that occurs in the trial in theConstitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia (MKRI) as a public space.Qualitative research conducted through the case study method to multi-case studydesign. From the observations made can be disclosed that the communicationprocess hearing MKRI meet public space category. In the process of the trial doestake place for intimidation in the trial between the parties or unequal treatment iscarried out by the Constitutional Court. But overall communication process in thetrial MKRI including a public space]"

"Pembentukan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai Lembaga Peradilan pasca reformasi nyatanya memberikan angin segar bagi para pihak yang ingin berperkara. Salah satu kewenangan yang dimiliki oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi yang diberikan pada Pasal 24C ayat (1) yaitu memutus perselisihan tentang hasil pemilihan umum. Melalui kewenangan tersebut banyak gugatan perselisihan hasil pemilu diajukan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dalil-dalil yang disampaikan beragam yaitu gugatan secara kualitatif atau gugatan kuantitatif namun, timbul perdebatan bahwa sejauh mana Mahkamah Konstitusi dapat mengadili perkara PHPU berdasarkan 2 (dua) pendekatan tersebut. Tesis ini hendak menjawab permasalahan yaitu mengenai macam-macam putusan MK dalam menangani perkara PHPU dan desain yang ideal agar tercapai nilai keadilan. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode yuridis normatif. Hasil Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa melihat beberapa putusan PHPU, Mahkamah Konstitusi memutus suatu perkara berbeda-beda dengan amar putusan yang melampaui dari ketentuan jenis putusan di UU Nomor 24 Tahun 2009 tentang Mahkamah Konstitusi. Formulasi desain yang ditawarkan adalah alat kelengkapan penyelesaian PHP Kada hendaknya juga terdapat di PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Pertimbangan estimasi waktu penyelesaian agar dapat diselaraskan mengingat kesamaan urgensi kekosongan Pemerintahan.

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The establishment of the Constitutional Court as a judicial institution after the reformation has in fact provided fresh air for parties who wish to litigate. One of the powers that the Constitutional Court has granted in Article 24C paragraph (1) is to decide on disputes over the results of general elections. Through this authority, many disputes over election results are submitted to the Constitutional Court. The arguments presented are various, namely qualitative or quantitative claims, however, there is a debate as to the extent to which the Constitutional Court can judge PHPU cases based on these 2 (two) approaches. This thesis intends to answer the problem, namely regarding the kinds of Constitutional Court decisions in handling PHPU cases and the ideal design to achieve the value of justice. The method used in this research is normative juridical method. The results showed that looking at several PHPU decisions, the Constitutional Court decided a case that was different from the verdict that exceeded the provisions of the type of decision in Law Number 24 of 2009 concerning the Constitutional Court. The design formulation offered is that the completion tool for PHPUD should also be available at the PHPU President and Vice President. Consideration of the estimated completion time so that it can be harmonized given the similarity of urgency for the absence of Government."

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini ingin melihat bentuk keberpihakan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co terhadap pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden pada Pemilihan Presiden 2014. Keberpihakan dilihatmelalui dua dimensi yang terdapat dalam konsep imparsialitas yakni keberimbangan dan netralitas. Penelitian ini menemukan fakta bahwa pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh media online yang diteliti cenderung tidak berimbang, dilihatndari tidak dimuatnya keterangan dua sisi dalam satu teks pemberitaan serta adanya pemfavoritan terhadap calon tertentu. Pemberitaan Kompas.com, Detik.com dan Tempo.co memfavoritkan pasangan Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla sementara pemberitaan Republika.co.id memfavoritkan pasangan Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Mengenai netralitas, mayoritas pemberitaan di Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co tidak mencampurkan fakta dan opini. Namun, pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id danTempo.co melakukan penyimpulan satu pihak.

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ABSTRACTThe study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesian president and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in this study are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. The concept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With following dimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, about balance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is not nbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sides opinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates. Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla while Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, about nneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, these media made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news., The study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesiapresident and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in thisstudy are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. Theconcept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With followingdimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, aboutbalance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is notbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sidesopinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates.Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kallawhile Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, aboutneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, thesemedia made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news.]"

"Tesis ini membahas sejarah sampai lahirnya kewenangan lembaga peradilan untuk menyelesaikan sengketa dalam penyelenggeraan pemilu kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah, mulai dari konsep Nomokrasi dan Demokrasi, Pemilihan oleh DPRD dan Pilkada Langsung sampai dengan pemilu kepala Daerah Dan Wakil Kepala Daerah. Pembahasan juga dilakukan terhadap kerangka hukum penyelesaian sengketa (hukum acara) yang dimiliki oleh Pengadilan Tata Usaha Negara dan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menyelesaikan sengketa penyelenggaraan pemilu kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah. Dan yang menjadi inti dari tesis ini adalah Kepatuhan KPU dalam melaksanakan Putusan Pengadilan Tata Usaha Negara dan Mahkamah Konstitusi.

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This thesis discusses the historical existence of the authority of Judiciary Institution to settle dispute on Local Head dan Vice Head Region Election, Comparation between the concept of Nomocracy and Democracy, between Elected by Local Parliament and Local Direct Election, between Direct Election regime and General Election regime. This thesis also discusses legal framework for Dispute Settlement Procedure (Procedural Law) under Administrative Court and Constitutional Court in Local Head Election Management. Finally, Main discussion of this thesis addresses the Compliance of Election Commission in implementing Administrative and Constitutional Court Decision."

"Montesquieu membagi kekuasaan pemerintahan menjadi tiga cabang, yakni legislatif, eksekutif, dan kekuasaan kehakiman. Setelah amendemen UUD NRI 1945, Indonesia memiliki lembaga kehakiman, yakni Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Pembentukan MK ditujukan untuk menafsir dan mengawal konstitusi melalui putusannya. Salah satu kewenangan dari MK adalah memberikan putusan terkait dengan pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden atau proses impeachment Pasal 24C ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945. Dalam proses impeachment Presiden ada beberapa lembaga yang berperan, yakni lembaga politik DPR dan MPR serta lembaga peradilan yaitu MK. Adapun yang menjadi masalah proses yang dilaksanakan DPR ini adalah bersifat politis walaupun atas dasar dugaan pelanggaran hukum. Berbeda dengan lembaga politik, tentu lembaga peradilan mengambil keputusan berdasarkan fakta material. Sehingga, timbul persoalan jika MK memutuskan Presiden bersalah dan MPR kemudian membatalkan putusan tersebut dengan tidak memberhentikan Presiden. Penulis menggunakan metode yuridis-normatif dalam penelitian ini dengan menganalisis prinsip hukum dan sumber hukum tertulis terkait dengan impeachment di Indonesia dan membandingkannya dengan mekanisme impeachment di negara lain. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Peranan MK melalui putusannya memiliki peran yang strategis sebab putusan tersebut final dan mengikat bagi DPR sebagai pihak yang melakukan permohonan ke MK. Selain itu, putusan MK disini bukan sebagai vonis tetapi lebih kepada suatu pertimbangan hukum bagi DPR dan MPR. Maka dari itu, perlu untuk melakukan amendemen UUD 1945 dengan menjelaskan secara tegas mengenai sifat final dan mengikat putusan MK dalam proses pemberhentian Presiden atau Wakil Presiden.

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Montesquieu divided government power into three branches, namely legislative, executive, and judicial powers. After the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia has a judicial institution, namely the Constitutional Court (MK). The formation of the Constitutional Court is intended to interpret and guard the constitution through its decisions. One of the powers of the Constitutional Court is to give decisions related to the dismissal of the President and/or Vice President or the impeachment process of Article 24C paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. MK. The problem with the process carried out by the DPR is that it is political in nature even though it is based on alleged violations of the law. In contrast to political institutions, of course the judiciary makes decisions based on material facts. Thus, a problem arises if the MK decides the President is guilty and the MPR then cancels the decision by not dismissing the President. The author uses the juridical-normative method in this study by analyzing legal principles and written legal sources related to impeachment in Indonesia and comparing them with impeachment mechanisms in other countries. The results of the study show that the role of the MK through its decisions has a strategic role because the decisions are final and binding for the DPR as the party making the application to the MK. In addition, the MK decision here is not a verdict but rather a legal consideration for the DPR and MPR. Therefore, it is necessary to amend the 1945 Constitution by clearly explaining the final and binding nature of the Constitutional Court's decision in the process of dismissing the President or Vice President."

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam mengadili sengketa kewenangan konstitusional lembaga negara yang dikaitkan dengan putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Sengketa kewenangan tersebut kerap kali terjadi ketika suatu lembaga merasa kewenangannya telah diambil alih secara tidak sah oleh lembaga lainnya. Namun, lembaga negara yang dapat beracara dalam sidang Mahkamah Konstitusi hanya lembaga negara yang kewenangannya lahir atas Undang Undang Dasar. Penelitian ini mengambil rumusan masalah apa yang menjadi dasar pertimbangan Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam memutus sengketa kewenangan antara KPI dengan Presiden q.q Menkominfo dan bagaimana implikasi putusan MK No.30/SKLN-IV/2006 terhadap kedua lembaga tersebut. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif yang bertumpu pada data sekunder dan disajikan secara deskriptif analitis.Hasil Penelitian menunjukkan Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi beranggapan bahwa kewenangan KPI tidak lahir dari UUD sehingga Mahkamah Konstitusi memenangkan Menkominfo. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tersebut berarti hilangnya kewenangan KPI dalam hal pemberian ijin frekuensi siaran. Sedangkan bagi dunia penyiaran, putusan tersebut berdampak pada sentralisasi perijinan yang sepenuhnya dikuasai oleh pemerintah pusat. Sehingga Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tersebut menyebabkan KPI menjadi suatu lembaga negara yang prematur nyaris tanpa kewenangan. Dilain pihak Menkominfo memiliki kewenangan mutlak atas dunia penyiaran tanpa adanya kontrol dari lembaga lainnya.This thesis discusses about the authority of the Constitutional Court in constitutional disputes of state institutions with the decision of the Constitutional Court. Dispute of Authority the frequent times rill happened when an institute feel its have been taken over illegally by other institute. But, institute State able to attend legal procedure in Constitution court only State institute which its born of Elementary Inviter. This research take formula of what is problem of hitting, what becoming base consideration of Judge of Counstitutional Court in breaking dispute of authority between Broadcasting Commission of Indonesia with Minister of Communication and Information and how decision implication of Constitutional Court No.30/SKLNIV/ 2006 to both of institutions. This research used the method used approach based on the juridical normative, secondary data are presented analyzed descriptively or Juridical.

The Result of research, Judge of Constitutional Court of opinion are Broadcasting Commission of Indonesia authority does not born from UUD so that Constitutional Court win Minister of Communication and Information. Decision Court Constitution mean the loss of Broadcasting Commission of Indonesia authority in the case of giving of broadcast frequency permission. While to broadcasting world, the decision affect at central licensing which is fully mastered by central government. Decision Constitutional Court of Broadcasting Commission of Indonesia caused become a premature State institute almost without authority. Other of Minister of Communication and Information (Government) has absolute authority of broadcasting world without existence of control of other institute."

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai sistem pemilihan umum baru yang akan diterapkan di Indonesia dikaitkan dengan putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Putusan tersebut timbul karena adanya permohonan pengujian undang-undang pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden. Adanya perubahan sistem menandakan sistem yang lama dianggap tidak sesuai lagi dengan kebutuhan. Demikian pula dengan pemilihan umum, perubahan terhadap sistemnya menandakan sistem yang lama tidak sesuai lagi dengan kebutuhan dan karena tidak mencapai tujuan yang diamanatkan oleh konstitusi. Oleh karena itu setiap warga negara yang merasa dirugikan dengan berlakunya suatu undang-undang, dapat mengajukan permohonan pengujian undangundang tersebut terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. Dalam hal ini pelaksanaan pemilihan umum legislatif dan pemilihan umum presiden yang terpisah menghabiskan dana yang sangat besar dan memberikan dampak yang negatif terhadap sistem pemerintahan presidensial. Mahkamah Konstitusi menerima alasanalasan pencabutan beberapa pasal dalam undang-undang tersebut, sehingga mulai 2019 pemilihan umum akan dilakukan secara serentak. Putusan tersebut memiliki urgensi yang cukup penting dan diharapkan menimbulkan implikasi positif terhadap sistem pemerintahan di Indonesia, yaitu efisiensi dana untuk pelaksanaan pemilihan umum dan memperkuat sistem presidensial.

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This thesis discusses the new electoral system to be implemented in Indonesia related with the decision of the Constitutional Court. The decisions arise because of the judicial review petition of president and vice president regulation. The change of the system indicates that the old system was considered no longer appropriate to the needs. Similarly, elections, changes to the system indicating that the old system is no longer adequate and therefore do not achieve the goals mandated by the constitution. Therefore every citizen who feels aggrieved by the enactment of a law, may file a petition for the law towards the Constitution of 1945. In this case the legislative elections and the presidential elections which are considered separate spend much more costs and create negative impact for presidential system. Constitutional Court accepts the reasons for the revocation of several articles in the law. So in 2019, elections will be conducted simultaneously. The decisions have a significant urgency and expected positive implications of the system of government in Indonesia, such as funds savings of electoral execution and strengthen the presidential system. "