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"This article distills the economic and current significance contained in the political economy of J.R. Commons. It compares descriptions of his three main works that discuss “sovereignty”: A Sociological View of Sovereignty (SVS), Legal Foundations of Capitalism (LFC), and Institutional Economics (IE). Through this comparison, we find that the role of sovereignty in his theory changed dramatically. First, in the period from SVS (1899–1900) to LFC (1924), the theory of sovereignty changes significantly from the standpoint of natural rights, which imply permanence of privileged customs, to “pragmatic philosophy” of the courts, in which laws are relevant to customs at certain times and places. Second, from the manuscripts of IE (1927–1928), sovereignty is defined as comprising part principles, which relate to each other and make up the whole principle, willingness. In other words, Commons views sovereignty as one perspective, which in turn has a high capability of explaining the socioeconomic system. Additional descriptions of IE (1934) derived from its original manuscripts repeatedly emphasize the “power” of economic concerns that are equal to or exceed the power of the state, as well as the importance of the “function” of sovereignty in pragmatic investigations of economic disputes. We distill the economic and current significance of IE. First, the value theory that constructs values institutionally and collectively starts from an analysis of sovereignty and joint evaluations. Second, sovereignty cannot be separated from an analysis of economic transactions. Third, this paper concretely shows elements of a “deliberate space” in which sovereignty and economic interests act in concert"

"Studi ini mempelajari tentang hubungan kausalitas antara koalisi mayoritas dan batu bara. Guna mendapatkan gambaran secara menyeluruh, kami melakukan analisis dengan menggunakan pendekatan text mining dan kuantitatif. Dalam hal ini, penggunaan metode text mining diperlukan guna menjelaskan fenomena pada metode kuantitatif. Perlakuan ini kami uji coba pada dua data set, yaitu data set ringkasan rapat DPR RI pada media daring (WikiDPR, Parlementaria Terkini, dan Tempo.co) dan data set ekspor batu bara dan koalisi mayoritas pada tingkatan DPRD RI (Data Bea Cukai Kemenkeu RI, Pemilu 2014-2019, dan BPS). Hipotesis yang kami bangun adalah penurunan volume ekspor batu bara ketika koalisi terbentuk. Studi ini berangkat dengan motivasi tunnelling effect (deduktif – induktif), yaitu pengukuran dampak dari kebijakan yang dihasilkan secara nasional (DPR RI) pada implementasi di tingkat provinsi (DPRD RI). Kami menggunakan metode Text Mining, Sentiment Analysis, dan Discourse Network Analysis untuk pendekatan text mining. Sementara itu, kami menggunakan Regression Discontinuity Design pada pendekatan kuantitatif. Studi ini menemukan adanya hubungan negatif, yaitu koalisi mayoritas tingkat DPRD RI tidak menurunkan volume ekspor batu bara. Temuan ini sejalan dengan hasil yang didapatkan pada pendekatan text mining, yaitu intensi yang dibangun oleh legislator di DPR RI yang mengerucut pada isu-isu perluasan lahan tambang pada tingkat daerah

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This study investigates the causal relationship between majority coalition and coal. To obtain a complete picture, we conducted an analysis using both text mining and quantitative approaches. In this stance, the usage of text mining analysis is to explain pattern or phenomenon resulting in quantitative analysis. We use the method onto two datasets: published and open-source meeting summary text data from DPR RI on online media from 2014 to 2020 (WikiDPR, Parlementaria Terkini, and Tempo.co) also the coal export and coalition datasets of the DPRD RI from 2015 to 2021 (Customs Data of the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Indonesia, General Commission of Election, and Statistics Indonesia). According to our hypothesis, when a coalition is formed, the volume of coal exported decreases. This study begins with the motivation of tunneling effects (deductive – inductive) on economic policy utilization, with the goal of determining the impact of national-level policies (DPR RI) to its provincial implementation (DPRD RI). We employ Text Mining, Sentiment Analysis, and Discourse Network Analysis in our text mining methods. Furthermore, we employ the Regression Discontinuity Design on a quantitative level. According to the findings of this study, the majority coalition in DPRD RI did not reduce the volume of coal exports. This finding is consistent with the findings of the text mining approach, in which we discovered that the type of discussion or conversation built by the legislator in the DPR RI was focused on the expansion of mining/smelter development also augmentation of production-distribution chain in the local area"

"Tulisan ini merupakan kajian terhadap Pengembangan Ekonomi Lokal (PEL) dalam kerangka pemikiran Karl Polanyi berjudul The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Polanyi secara khusus mengkritik kesesatan ekonomistik pasar bebas yang mengakibatkan tercerabutnya sistem ekonomi dari relasi manusia. Konsekuensi yang ditimbulkan adalah pereduksian makna hidup manusia pada aspek ekonomis semata. Terisolasinya kegiatan ekonomi akibat aturan-aturan logis dan otonom menyampingkan pertimbangan-pertimbangan subjektif dari kehendak masyarakat. PEL menjadi pendekatan alternatif atas sistem ekonomi berbasis pada pemeliharaan nilai-nilai yang menjadi kekayaan sosial masyarakat. Pendekatan dalam ekonomi lokal memperluas pemaknaan sistem ekonomi sebagai upaya reflektif atas kesadaran moral natural kolektif untuk mengemban tanggung jawab sosial. Penelitian dilakukan dengan metode kepustakaan sebagai upaya refleksi kritis terhadap penilaian etis atas proses PEL. Pada akhirnya dapat disimpulkan bahwa PEL menjadi rekonstruksi sistem ekonomi berbasis moralitas yang memungkinkan terbentuknya sistem ekonomi yang lebih partisipatoris dan terkoordinasi.

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This writing is a study about the Local Economic Development (LED) in the framework of Karl Polanyi’s Book The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Polanyi specifically criticizes the economists digression in the free market that resulted in the uprooting of the economic system of human relations. The consequence is the reduction of the meaning of human life to the purely economic aspect. The isolated economic activities caused by logical and autonomic law that disregards the subjective considerations of the will of society. LED has become an alternative approach to the economic system based on maintaining the values that become the social wealth of society. The approach of local economy widens the meaning of economic systems as a reflective effort on collective natural moral awareness to assume social responsibility. This study was conducted using the library method as an effort to critically reflect on the ethical assessment of the LED process. In the end, it can be concluded that LED is the reconstruction of a morality-based economic system that enables the formation of a more participatory and coordinated economic system."

"Penelitian ini berfokus pada Dinamika HIPMI Pasca Orde Baru. Sebagai wadah belajar dan kaderisasi pengusaha muda yang telah berpengalaman dalam mencetak kader-kader pengusaha-politisi di Era Orde Baru melalui partai Golkar yang menjadi induk politiknya, HIPMI sedikit banyak terkena imbas dari reformasi 1998. Sistem politik berubah dan mengikis jaringan sentral HIPMI selama ini dibirokrasi, partai politik, dan militer. Karenanya, menghadapi liberalisasi ekonomi dan politik pasca Orde Baru, HIPMI dituntut oleh keadaan untuk melakukan transformasi diri. Transformasi ini ditandai dengan indepensi HIPMI dihadapan partai politik manapun, meskipun secara tradisi dan jaringan masih cukup kuat mengandalkan jaringan lama yang tertanam kuat di partai Golkar. Transformasi selanjutnya adalah corak bisnis yang digeluti oleh para pengusaha muda yang, seiring dengan liberalisasi ekonomi pasca Orde Baru, tidak hanya bisa mengandalkan proyek dari pemerintah semata, meski sebagai pendatang baru dalam dunia bisnis, mengerjakan proyek pemerintah berbasis ABPN/APBN masih menjadi pintu masuk ke dunia bisnis yang lebih luas. Modal ekonomi, intelektualitas, dan jaringan menjadi kunci bagi pengautan kaderisasi di HIPMI pasca Orde Baru. Dan HIPMI pasca Orde Baru selalu menuntut dirinya untuk membibitkan kader-kader pengusaha muda yang mandiri di hadapan negara.Berpijak pada teori ekonomi politik relasi bisnis dan kekuasaan, teori modal sosial, dan kelas menengah, amatan terhadap kelembagaan dan perilaku anggota HIPMI dilakukan dan dikemukakan bahwa meski orde Politik telah berubah, namun peran tradisional HIPMI dalam politik Indonesia tetap sama: selain menjadi unit kaderisasi pengusaha pemula, HIPMI juga memerankan diri sebagai wadah kaderisasi politik sekaligus. Hal ini bukan persoalan salah atau benar dalam melihat perilaku kelembagaan HIPMI. Namun transformasi kelembagaan HIPMI yang telah kian matang, dengan perubahan perilaku bisnis yang beranjak menjauh dari negara, masih diikuti oleh tuntutan kesejarahan HIPMI: selain menyiapkan diri menjadi pengusaha yang sukses, HIPMI juga dituntut untuk siap menjadi pemimpin-pemimpin bangsa melalui jalur politik. Demokrasi Indonesia yang masih mencari bentuknya yang ideal juga menyajikan dilemma dalam hubungan bisnis dan politik. Partai-partai politik semakin pragmatis dalam rekrutmen politiknya karena menghadapi ongkos politik yang mahal. Bagi HIPMI ini adalah peluang sekaligus tantangan dalam perannya sebagai kelas menengah di Indonesia. Di satu sisi, idealitas pembangunan kelas menengah berbasis komunitas bisnis yang kuat dan mandiri di hadapan negara menjadi tanggung jawab mereka, namun di sisi lain, ongkos politik yang begitu mahal memberi tawaran yang begitu besar bagi kelompok pengusaha untuk masuk dan bermain di dalamnya. Kaderisasi politik yang ramah terhadap kalangan usahawan ini mengidap hampir semua partai politik dan seolah menjadi tren dalam pentas politik Indonesia, sehingga membuka ruang yang begitu besar bagi organisasi yang bermotto “pengusaha pejuang, pejuang pengusaha ini”

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This research is mainly focused on the post-New Order dynamism of the Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (Himpunan Pengusaha Muda Indonesia/HIPMI). As an organization which has a long experience on educating young generations of businessman-politicians through its political patron, Golongan Karya (Golkar), HIPMI has been to some extent affected by the 1998 reform. The changing political system erodes HIPMI’s central networking in bureaucracy, political parties, and military. As a consequence, HIPMI must adjust by transforming itself in view of the post-New Order political and economic liberalization.

HIPMI’s independence from any political party, albeit its ongoing dependence on its old tradition and networking both of which are deeply rooted in Golkar, marks this transformation. Another transformation is manifested in HIPMI’s type of business which, in line with the post-New Order economic liberalization, no longer depends solely on the government’s projects. However, the national budget (APBN)-based government’s projects remain the main entrance for the business new-comers to explore broader business opportunities. Economic capital, intellectuality, and networking play important role in strengthening the regeneration process of the post-New Order HIPMI which always urges itself to produce new, young entrepreneurs who are independent of the government.

Using business-power relation theory of political economy, social capital theory, and middle class theory to analyze the institutional and behavioral aspects of HIPMI members, this theses argues that although the political order has changed, and some of HIPMI’s members’ business role and networking have accordingly changed, the traditional role of HIPMI in Indonesian politic remains unchanged. In addition to its role as a medium for regeneration of new entrepreneurs, HIPMI plays another role as a medium for political regeneration. This does not have anything to do with right or wrong in analyzing HIPMI’s institutional behavior. HIPMI’s maturing transformation marked by its increasing distance from the government remains connected to its historical call: producing successful entrepreneurs as well as political leaders.

Indonesian democracy which is still in search for its ideal format poses a dilemma on business-politic relations. Political parties become more pragmatic in their political recruitment due to expensive political costs. This is an opportunity as well as challenge for HIPMI in its role as an Indonesian middle class. On one hand, the responsibility of building the middle class based on a strong and independent business free of the government’s influence lays on their shoulder. On the other hand, the expensive political costs pave their way to enter into politic. This businessmen-friendly climate of political regeneration is present in all political parties and apparently becomes a trend in Indonesian political contestation, providing a vast arena for HIPMI whose motto is “heroic entrepreneurs, entrepreneurial hero.”"

"Indonesia is Southeast Asia's largest economy and freest democracy yet vested interests and local politics serve as formidable obstacles to infrastructure reform. In this critical analysis of the politics inhibiting infrastructure investment, Jamie S. Davidson utilizes evidence from his research, press reports and rarely used consultancy studies to challenge mainstream explanations for low investment rates and the sluggish adoption of liberalizing reforms. He argues that obstacles have less to do with weak formal institutions and low fiscal capacities of the state than with entrenched, rent-seeking interests, misaligned central-local government relations, and state-society struggles over land. Using a political-sociological approach, Davidson demonstrates that 'getting the politics right' matters as much as getting the prices right or putting the proper institutional safeguards in place for infrastructure development. This innovative account and its conclusions will be of interest to students and scholars of Southeast Asia and policymakers of infrastructure investment and economic growth."

"This paper investigates public investment policy (mainly from the 1980s onwards) with a political - economic approach. The points of this paper are as follow. First, at the macro level , it is possible that the short-term fluctuation of public investment has been controlled by the government party's political incentive to win an election rather than in order to dampen economic fluctuations...."

"ABSTRAKPerwakilan kepentingan perempuan melalui anggota parlemen perempuan tercapai jika terdapat keterhubungan antara konstituen dengan anggota parlemen. Agar dapat menjalin kerjasama maka dibutuhkan pemahaman mendalam mengenai perilaku mereka. Artikel ini mengungkapkan ragam jalinan relasi dan afiliasi ekonomi politik yang melingkupi anggota parlemen perempuan. Jalinan relasi yang terbangun sejak masa pencalonan hingga menjadi anggota parlemen tersebut pada gilirannya memunculkan berbagai kepentingan dan tekanan yang harus direspins oleh anggota parlemen perempuan. dengan memahami berbagai kepentingan dan tekanan yang dihadapi anggota parlemen perempuan, masyarakat sipil dapat merancang rencana aksi yang memicu respons positif mereka sehingga meminimalkan potensi risiko."

"Challenging the assumptions of 'mainstream' International Political Economy (IPE), this Handbook demonstrates the considerable value of critical theory to the discipline through a series of cutting-edge studies. The field of IPE has always had an inbuilt vocation within Historical Materialism, with an explicit ambition to make sense, from a critical standpoint, of the capitalist mode of production as a world system of sometimes paradoxically and sometimes smoothly overlapping states and markets. Having spearheaded the growth of a vigorous critical scholarship in the 1960s and 1970s, however, Marxism and neo-Gramscian approaches became increasingly marginalized over the course of the 1980s. The authors respond to the exposure of limits to mainstream contemporary scholarship in the wake of the onset of the Global Financial Crisis, and provide a comprehensive overview of the field of Critical International Political Economy. Problematizing socioeconomic and political structures, and considering these as potentially transitory and subject to change, the contributors aim not simply to understand a world of conflict, but furthermore to uncover the ways in which purportedly objective analyses reflect the interests of those in positions of privilege and power."