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"Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis hubungan antara pengaruh revivalisme Islam yang muncul di Turki dengan kemenangan AKP dalam pemilu 2002. Dengan metode kualitatif yang bersifat deskriptif-analitis, hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dinamika politik di Turki semenjak periode kekhalifahan Turki Usmani hingga era pasca Mustafa Kemal menunjukkan bahwa sekularisme gagal menggeser ideologi dan tradisi Islam yang telah lama mengakar dalam masyarakat Turki, sehingga revivalisme Islam akhirnya muncul sebagai alternatif perubahan . Salah satu indikasi terjadinya revivalisme Islam adalah diterimanya Islam dalam dunia perpolitikan Turki dengan menangnya partai-partai Islam dalam pemilihan umum di Turki, seperti Partai Refah di pemilu 1995 dan AKP di pemilihan umum 2002. Revivalisme Islam yang terjadi ini juga menyebabkan mayoritas masyarakat Turki menginginkan pemimpin yang berkarakter relijius namun juga moderat, yang pada akhirnya hal ini menjelaskan alasan kemenangan AKP di pemilu 2002 karena AKP memiliki citra sebagai sebuah partai Islam yang moderat.

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The objective of this research is to analyze relations between Islam revivalism emerged in Turkey and AKP victory in 2002 elections. With analytic-descriptive qualitative method, this research found that in the Post Mustafa-Kemal period, secularism failed to shift ideology and Islamic tradition rooted in Turkey society, so that Islamic revivalism emerged again as an alternative change. One of the indicator or Islamic revivalism is its prominent existence in domestic politics, shown by triumph of Islamic parties in Turkey elections like Refah Party in 1995 and AKP in 2002. The current Islamic revivalism lead majority of Turkey people to vote for leader with religious character but also moderate, which explained the reasons of AKP in elections 2002 because AKP has the image of moderate Islamic party."

"This book offers argument about post-neoliberal models of regional governance in non-European contexts. The book critically explores models of transformative regionalism and specific dimensions articulating those models beyond neoliberal consensus-building. "

"Few people today would challenge the legitimacy of democracy as the form of government most congenial to modern citizenship, as it requires members to treat each other as equals and to cooperate in the pursuit of conditions that may maximize both the promotion of individuals potential and the achievement of public welfare. Yet a number of facts challenge these ideals. Declining political participation, as well as skepticism and dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy among citizens of established democracies, attests to a kind of paradox. Citizens increasing capacity to control their own circumstances within their private, social, and economic spheres is at odds with their decreasing capacity to exert control over their political representatives and over the domain of politics in general. The shift of opposing political coalitions toward more pragmatic and ideologically elusive platforms, aimed at attracting a larger sphere of the electorate, has greatly diluted the ideological identity of parties that have replaced traditional class movements. All politics has become more personalized as political preferences are increasingly dependent on the likes and dislikes of citizens, and ultimately on the personality characteristics of political candidates capable of attracting voters preferences. These pressures urge legislators to better appreciate the significant changes that have occurred in citizens political reasoning and action, as well as the diversities among citizens of different political contexts. Likewise, scientists are urged to disclose the psychological structures and mechanisms that set the conditions for individuals democratic participation."