Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"[ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas tentang penolakan Indonesia terhadap inisiatif kontraterorisme Amerika Serikat di wilayah laut yang disebut Proliferation SecurityInitiative (PSI). Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang bersifat eksplanatif.Kajian literatur dalam penelitian ini melihat penolakan Indonesia terhadap PSIberdasarkan cost and benefit analysis pada aspek internal (kepentingan politik,kepentingan ekonomi, dan kepentingan militer) dan eksternal (posisi tawarmenawar dan logika konsekuensi). Kesimpulan atas penolakan tersebut adalahadanya ketidaksesuaian komponen dalam negeri dan kebijakan luar negeriIndonesia dengan prinsip PSI yang membuktikan lebih banyaknya pengeluaranyang akan ditanggung daripada keuntungan yang diperoleh.

---

ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the refusal of Indonesia to the United States counterterrorisminitiatives in the sea area called Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI).This study is a qualitative interpretive. Literature review in this study perceivesthe refusal of Indonesia towards PSI is based on cost and benefit analysis on theinternal aspects (political interests, economic interests, military interests) andexternal aspects (bargaining position and logic of consequences). Conclusions forthe refusal is the discrepancy between domestic component and Indonesia'sforeign policy with PSI principles that proves more costs will be incurred ratherthan benefits gained.;This thesis discusses the refusal of Indonesia to the United States counterterrorisminitiatives in the sea area called Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI).This study is a qualitative interpretive. Literature review in this study perceivesthe refusal of Indonesia towards PSI is based on cost and benefit analysis on theinternal aspects (political interests, economic interests, military interests) andexternal aspects (bargaining position and logic of consequences). Conclusions forthe refusal is the discrepancy between domestic component and Indonesia'sforeign policy with PSI principles that proves more costs will be incurred ratherthan benefits gained., This thesis discusses the refusal of Indonesia to the United States counterterrorisminitiatives in the sea area called Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI).This study is a qualitative interpretive. Literature review in this study perceivesthe refusal of Indonesia towards PSI is based on cost and benefit analysis on theinternal aspects (political interests, economic interests, military interests) andexternal aspects (bargaining position and logic of consequences). Conclusions forthe refusal is the discrepancy between domestic component and Indonesia'sforeign policy with PSI principles that proves more costs will be incurred ratherthan benefits gained.]"

"Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, pesawat udara nir awak (PUNA) atau drone, telah berkembang dan menyebar dengan cepat di seluruh dunia baik militer maupun sipil. drone, menjadi hal yang krusial dalam perang modern. Militer di seluruh dunia sedang mencoba untuk meningkatkan kemampuan teknologi drone. Drone tidak lagi digunakan sebagai alat reconnaissance maupun airstrike semata namun dapat mengoordinasi satuan tempur dalam suatu peperangan. Tulisan ini akan berusaha mengurai fenomena pfroliferasi drone bersenjata, bagaimana penyebaran terjadi dalam sistem internasional termasuk di Indonesia. Penulisan ini juga mencari korelasi antara penggunaan dan pengembangan drone bersenjata terhadap ketahanan nasional Indonesia menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan berlandaskan teori Kekuatan Udara dikaitkan dengan konsep Inovasi Pertahanan, konsep Dirgantara Nasional dan Konsep Ketahanan Nasional. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa inovasi pertahanan berupa pengembangan PUNA MALE Elang Hitam berklasifikasi kombatan dilakukan sebagai upaya penguatan ketahanan nasional pada sektor pertahanan, namun dalam upaya tersebut ternyata dihadapi sejumlah ancaman, gangguan, hambatan dan tantangan yang harus di hadapi. Kemandirian alutsista menjadi salah satu indikator yang dapat mempengaruhi ketahanan nasional pada sektor pertahanan. Untuk itu, kemandirian industri pertahanan harus terus didukung oleh seluruh pemangku kepentingan. Penelitian ini selain dapat menambah khazanah teoritis terkait kedirgantaraan dan pertahanan, diharapkan dapat memberikan masukkan dan rekomendasi terhadap seluruh pemangku kepentingan agar proliferasi maupun inovasi teknologi drone bersenjata bisa terlaksana dengan maksimal.

---

In recent years, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) or drones, have developed and spread rapidly throughout the world both military and civilian. drones, are crucial in modern warfare. Militaries around the world are trying to improve the capabilities of drone technology. Drones are no longer used as a reconnaissance or airstrike tool, but can coordinate combat units in a war. This paper will attempt to unravel the phenomenon of the proliferation of armed drones, how the spread occurs in the international system, including in Indonesia. This paper also seeks a correlation between the use and development of armed drones on Indonesia's national resilience using qualitative methods based on Air Power theory associated with the concept of Defense Innovation, the concept of National Dirgantara and the Concept of National Resilience. The results of this study show that defence innovation in the form of the development of the Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicle “Black Eagle” was carried out as an effort to strengthen national resilience in the defense sector, however, the development turned out to be faced with a number of threats, disturbances, obstacles and challenges that must be faced. The independence of defense equipment is one of the indicators that can affect national security in the defense sector. For this reason, the independence of the defense industry must continue to be supported by all stakeholders. The results of this study, apart from being able to add to the theoretical value related to aerospace and defense, are expected to provide input and recommendations to all stakeholders so that the proliferation and innovation of armed drone technology in Indonesia can be carried out optimally."

"The Port of Bitung area has a number of potentials that can impact the structure of national security and national defense, because it has a strategic concept for the Indo-Pacific Region. The Bitung Port area as an international hub port, stated in the Minister of Transportation Decree Number 54 of 2002 concerning the Implementation of Sea Ports. The method in this study used a qualitative descriptive approach and data analysis techniques used an interactive of model analysis. This study analyzes the Geostrategy concept for the Port of Bitung Region as part of a national security strategy to strengthen national defense based on the maritime security side and the economic implications of the Indo-Pacific Region. The results show that in general the analysis of the strategy of the Bitung port area in maritime security studies for national national security and national defense shows several things: 1) the strategic conditions of the Bitung Port area need to be supported by strategic and integrated policies between the Central government and the North Sulawesi Province Bitung City; 2) the development of special economic zones (KEK) requires accelerated implementation of policies in a sustainable manner with full support from the budget side, this is to strengthen the territorial basis in the geostrategic concept; and 3) there needs to be an approach towards the community in supporting the realization of the strategic area of Bitung City, North Sulawesi. The fulfillment of these requirements has made the Bitung Port area capable of supporting geostrategy through strategic maritime security studies and economic implications, because it is located in the Indo-Pacific Region as a center for political and economic defense so as to strengthen national security and national defense."

"Tesis ini menganalisa mengenai kebijakan laut Indonesia apakah sudah tewujud sebagai kebijakan yang seharusnya ada untuk sebuah negara kepulauan seperti Indonesia yang memiliki luas perairan 2/3 dari luas daratan sekitar 5.8 juta km², dengan garis pantai sepanjang 81.000 km². Dengan adanya keistimewaan posisi dan letak strategis Indonesia di tataran dunia, laut merupakan media yang paling banyak di gunakan dalam hal lintas ekonomi maupun kapal-kapal militer, serta rentan akan isu Non-Traditional Security lainnya. Akan tetapi Indonesia, belum mampu mengatur dan mengelola keistimewaan laut tersebut dalam menghadapi isu maritime security, dikarenakan law enforcement yang belum optimal dilaksanakan, sehingga dalam kelembagaan nasional terjadi overlapping dalam menjalankan fungsi dan tugas pokok yang saling berbenturan (dijalankan secara sektoral), serta banyaknya kepentingan antar negara di wilayah Asia Tenggara dalam mengahadapi isu kelautan. Dengan demikian adanya kelemahan tersebut, Indonesia belum menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negara maritim yang seutuhnya dan tidak terealisasinya kebijakan laut Indonesia yang akan membawa perubahan pada pembangunan ekonomi dan pertahanan keamanan di laut. Maka, strategi keamanan maritim yang kuat tidak dapat terwujud secara kuat dan normatif.

---

This thesis analyzes about the ocean policy of Indonesia is already exist as a policy should be abide for an archipelagic state like Indonesia which has an area of water 2/3 of the land area about 5.8 million km², with a coastline 81,000 km². With the features and location of Indonesia's strategic position at the world level, the sea is the most widely used in cross-economically and military ships, as well as vulnerable to issues Non-Traditional Security. Indonesia, however, have not been able to organize and manage the marine privilege in the face of maritime security issues, because law enforcement is not optimal yet implemented, resulting in overlapping national institutions in carrying out the functions and main tasks are clashing (sectoral), and there are many of interests among states in Northeast Asia region to faces the maritime issue. Thus the existence of these weaknesses, Indonesia yet to make Indonesia as a maritime nation as a whole and not the realization of Indonesia's ocean policy that will bring changes in the economic development and defense and security at sea. Thus, a strong maritime security strategy can not be realized in a powerful and normative."

"Dalam proses menjaga perdamaian dan stabilitas kawasan, agenda keamanan Perhimpunan Bangsa-Bangsa Asia Tenggara (ASEAN)—sebagai institusi internasional utama di Asia Tenggara—melibatkan negara-negara anggotanya serta negara mitra dari luar dalam kegiatan-kegiatannya. Dengan sengketa maritim yang belum terselesaikan, meningkatnya pengaruh dari negara-negara kuat di ambang perbatasannya, serta munculnya pertanyaan-pertanyaan kritis yang diarahkan pada kemampuan institusi-institusi internasional, peran ASEAN dalam dimensi keamanan maritim lantas menjadi titik kritis secara akademik dan politik. Tinjauan literatur ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pemahaman akademis mengenai kerja sama keamanan maritim ASEAN secara kritis, serta menerapkan analisis tersebut pada konteks regional yang terus berkembang. Menggunakan 25 literatur serta metode taksonomi, artikel ini mengidentifikasi tiga titik fokus utama literatur: 1) ASEAN sebagai aktor dalam sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan; 2) keamanan non-tradisional sebagai fokus utama keamanan maritim ASEAN; dan 3) analisis kritis mengenai kapabilitas dan agensi ASEAN sebagai institusi internasional. Tinjauan ini menemukan bahwa Tiongkok tetap menjadi faktor utama yang konstan dalam diskursus keamanan ASEAN, dan tindakannya di Laut Tiongkok Selatan menjadi tantangan keamanan utama bagi agenda keamanan ASEAN. Tinjauan ini juga menemukan bahwa diskursus akademik terpengaruh oleh interaksi antar-negara adidaya (great powers), khususnya kontestasi antara AS dan Tiongkok. Mengingat aspirasi ASEAN untuk mempertahankan sentralitasnya dalam menjamin perdamaian dan stabilitas kawasan, kajian literatur ini menyimpulkan bahwa ASEAN harus mengambil tindakan jika ingin mempertahankan sentralitas tersebut saat ini.

---

The issue of maritime security cooperation has become one of considerable importance within the changing political context of the maritime Southeast Asia region. In the process of establishing and maintaining the region’s peace and stability, the security agendas of the Association of Southeast Asian Nation—acting as Southeast Asia’s premier international institution—sees active participation by both its member states within the region as well as partners from without. But how does it fare in the face of its changing security challenges? With unresolved maritime disputes within its borders, the growing influence of international powers, and critical questions poised at the capabilities of international institutions, ASEAN’s role within the dimension of maritime security becomes a critical academic and political juncture. This literature review aims to critically analyze current academic understanding of ASEAN maritime security cooperation, applying it to the changing regional context. Using 25 relevant academic articles, this article identifies three main focal points of literature: 1) ASEAN as an actor in the South China Sea disputes’ 2) non-traditional security as the primary focus of ASEAN maritime security; and 3) critical analyses regarding ASEAN’s institutional capability and agency. It finds that China remains a constant primary factor in ASEAN’s security discourse, and its actions in the South China Sea constitutes ASEAN’s main security challenge. It also finds that the academic discourse is subject to the encroachment of great power politics, particularly the US-China contestation. Considering ASEAN’s aspirations to maintain its centrality in guaranteeing the region’s peace and stability, this literature review concludes that ASEAN must take political and academic action if it seeks to maintain its current trajectory."

"Asia Pacific is a region with a great attractions and also highly dynamic, with its growth and economic pulse that affects economy of the world. High economic growth coupled with regionalism and globalisation generates implications the emergence of issues related to maritime security, national borders, disputes on territory rich in resources, environmental issues, transnationals organised crimes, natural disasters, and energy and food security. Globalisation itself creates new interactions among regional countries as a precondition to solve and face common problems in maritime domain awareness network. Regional maritime partnership is a smart choice when regional stability is becoming the goal of all states to maintain regional resilience. Indonesia position is unique as the link between regions dependent on each other. Indonesia never recedes in providing the drive for regional stability through balancing strategies without becoming entangled in alliances. Indonesia Navy as a component of national strength participates in the application of national strategy into naval strategy and operationalising it in diplomacy and multilateral exercises to enhance interoperability among navies in Asia Pacific, especially among ASEAN nations."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa tentang implementasi penegakan hukum dalam rangka penjagaan keamanan laut yang dilaksanakan oleh Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III TNI Angkatan Laut dihadapkan dengan banyaknya potensi ancaman keamanan dan adanya tumpang tindih peraturan perundang-undangan di laut yang melahirkan banyak instansi dengan kewenangan yang sama. Dalam penelitian ini penulis menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif dan preskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Nara Sumber adalah pejabat dan prajurit Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III. Teknik pengambilan data yang digunakan adalah dengan melakukan wawancara mendalam, observasi dan studi literatur. Ada beberapa instansi penegak hukum di laut yang mempunyai kewenangan hampir sama dan masing masing mempunyai payung hukum dan Satgas Patroli kapal seperti TNI Angkatan Laut, Polairud, Bea Cukai, Bakamla, KPLP dan KKP. Dalam melaksanakan kegiatan penegakan hukum oleh Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III TNI Angkatan Laut tidak terlepas dari adanya kendala yang ada dalam intern maupun ektern. Diperlukan upaya-upaya seperti optimalisasi peran Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III TNI Angkatan Laut melalui perbaikan sarana prasarana, meningkatkan kualitas SDM dan peningkatan anggaran. Ada upaya yang dapat dilakukan seperti meningkatkan koordinasi antar instansi penegak hukum di laut, harmonisasi hukum dan pembentukan Coast Guard.

---

ABSTRACTThis research aims to analyze the implementation of the rule of law in order to safeguard maritime security implemented by Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III TNI Angkatan Laut are faced multitude potential security threats and the existence of overlapping regulations in the sea which gave birth to many agencies with the authority of the same. In this study the author uses deskriptif and preskriptif analysis with kualitatif approach. A resource person is officials and soldiers of Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III TNI Angkatan Laut. Data capture technique used is to do in depth interview, obervations and study of litarature. There are a few instances of law enforcement on the sea that has almost the same authority and each have a legal umbrella and task force patrol ships such as the TNI Angkatan Laut, Polairud, KPLP, Bea Cukai, Bakamla and KKP. In carrying out law enforcement activities by the Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III TNI Angkatan Laut is inseparable from the existence of the obstacles that exist in the intern or ektern. Such efforts are necessary to optimize the role of Satuan Patroli Satrol Lantamal III TNI Angkatan Laut through improvementes to infrastructure, improve the quality of human resources and the increase in the budget. There have been attempts to do such as improve coordination between law enforcment agencies in the sea, harmonization of law and the establishment of the Coast Guard."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengidentifikasi kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Permasalahan yang dibahas diantaranya mengenai pengaturan peran dan kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia, serta dampak terhadap kewenangan yang sama antara lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode yuridis normatif berdasarkan teori kewenangan dengan data sekunder. Hasil yang diperoleh adalah Indonesia mempunyai enam lembaga penegak hukum di wilayah laut antara lain Badan Keamanan Laut, TNI Angkatan Laut, Ditjen Pengawasan Sumber Daya Kelautan dan Perikanan, Ditjen Bea Cukai, Polair, dan Kesatuan Penjagaan Laut dan Pantai. Keenam lembaga tersebut mempunyai kewenangan yang sama sehingga dapat mengakibatkan tumpang tindih yang berdampak pada ego sektoral antar-lembaga penegak hukum, ambiguitas peran sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard, respon negatif dari negara lain terhadap lembaga penegak hukum wilayah laut di Indonesia dan lemahnya pengaturan kewenangan Bakamla dalam penegakan bhukum di wilayah laut. Pemerintah perlu menerapkan konsepsi omnibus law dengan merevisi/mengubah, mengganti, mencabut atau menggambungkan agar tidak terjadi pertentangan antar peraturan perundang-undangan. Selain itu, Pemerintah perlu merumuskan peraturan perundang-undangan baru dengan menetapkan lembaga yang berwenang sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard.

---

The purpose of this research aims to analyze and identify the authority of government agencies in law enforcement in the Indonesian marine area. Issues discussed include regulating the role and authority, as well as the impact on the same authority between government agencies to carry out law enforcement in Indonesian marine areas. The research method used is a normative juridical method based on the theory of authority with secondary data. The results obtained are that Indonesia has six law enforcement agencies in the marine area, consist of the Indonesia Maritime Security Agency, the Directorate General of Surveillance and Control of Marine and Fishery Resources, the Directorate General of Customs and Excise, the Directorate Marine Police, and the Directorate Indonesian Sea and Coast Guard. The six agencies have the same authority that can lead to impact on sectoral egos between law enforcement agencies, ambiguity in the role of Indonesia as a sea and coast guard, negative responses from other countries to law enforcement agencies in Indonesia's marine areas and the weak regulation of Indonesia Maritime Security Agency. The government needs to implement the omnibus law concept by revising/amending, replacing, revoking or merging so that there is no conflict between laws and regulations. In addition, the Government needs to formulate new laws and regulations by establishing an authorized institution as the Indonesian sea and coast guard."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang pengaruh threat against U.S. terhadap pilihan instrumen kebijakan luar negeri AS dalam Global War on Terrorism (GWoT) dimana salah satunya adalah Container Security Initiative (CSI). Analisis dalam tesis ini menggunakan Economic Statecraft Concept (Baldwin,1985) sebagai teori utama. Kajian literatur dalam penelitian ini menemukan adanya security threat dan economic threat yang mendorong AS memilih CSI sebagai economic statecraft dalam kebijakan GWoT. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif, dimana dari pengolahan data statistik menggunakan logistic regression yang mendapatkan adanya bukti yang membenarkan CSI sebagai economic statecraft dan efektifitas CSI sebagai instrumen kontra terorisme AS.

---

This thesis discusses the impact of the threat against U.S. to choose foreign policy instrument in the Global War on Terrorism (GWoT), in this case is Container Security Initiative (CSI). The analysis in this thesis using Economic Statecraft Concept (Baldwin, 1985) as main theory. Literature review in this study found security threat and economic threat that drives the U.S. choose CSI as economic statecraft in GWoT policy. This study is a quantitative research, in which processing of statistical data using logistic regression found evidence to justify CSI as economic statecraft and effectiveness of CSI as an instrument of U.S. counter-terrorism."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan mengapa kerja sama keamanan berhasil dilakukan dan berjalan efektif, meskipun terdapat sensitivitas antarnegara. Hal ini terjadi dalam kesepakatan kerja sama keamanan maritim di Laut Sulu pada tahun 2016, yaitu Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA), yang berhasil mereduksi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu di tengah isu sengketa wilayah Sabah antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Klaim atas wilayah Sabah yang dilontarkan oleh Presiden Rodrigo Duterte pada tahun 2016 menimbulkan sensitivitas dalam hubungan antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Namun, pada saat yang sama, ancaman di Laut Sulu akibat kejahatan transnasional semakin meningkat. Dengan menggunakan teori kerja sama dalam sistem anarki, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa kerja sama antara Filipina dan Malaysia terwujud karena adanya tiga faktor. Ketiga faktor tersebut adalah adanya kepentingan bersama Malaysia dan Filipina terhadap Laut Sulu, proyeksi kekhawatiran atas ancaman di masa depan, dan jumlah aktor serta pemilihan mitra kerja sama yang sesuai. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif dan metode causal-process tracing, ditemukan bahwa ketiga faktor ini mendorong Malaysia dan Filipina untuk memprioritaskan kerja sama dalam mengatasi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu serta mengesampingkan sensitivitas akibat sengketa wilayah Sabah.

---

This research aims to explain why security cooperation can be successfully carried out and effectively run despite the sensitivities between the cooperating countries. This can be observed in the Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA) in the Sulu Sea in 2016, which effectively reduced security threats in the Sulu Sea despite the Sabah territorial dispute between Malaysia and the Philippines. In 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte's claim to the Sabah region reignited tension between Malaysia and the Philippines. But at the same time, the threat in the Sulu Sea from transnational crime was increasing. By applying the theory of cooperation under anarchy, this research demonstrates that cooperation between Malaysia and the Philippines is feasible due to three key factors: both Malaysia and the Philippines have a mutuality of interest in the Sulu Sea, they are concerned about future security threats, and numbers of actors involved and partner selection. Through a qualitative approach and causal-process tracing method, this research found that these three factors led Malaysia and the Philippines to prioritize addressing security threats in the Sulu Sea, considering it a paramount concern. As a result, the two countries prioritize forging a cooperative agreement over the issue of the Sabah dispute."