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"In this empirically rich collection of essays, a team of leading international scholars explore the way that economic transformation is sustained and challenged by everyday practices across Southeast Asia. Drawing together a body of interdisciplinary scholarship, the authors explore how the emergence of more marketized forms of economic policy-making in Southeast Asia impacts everyday life. The book's twelve chapters address topics such as domestic migration, trade union politics in Myanmar, mining in the Philippines, halal food in Singapore, Islamic finance in Malaysia, education reform in Indonesia, street vending in Malaysia, regional migration between Malaysia, Indonesia and Cambodia, and Southeast Asian domestic workers in Hong Kong. This collection not only enhances understandings of the everyday political economies at work in specific Southeast Asian sites, but makes a major theoretical contribution to the development of an everyday political economy approach in which perspectives from developing economies and non-Western actors are taken seriously."

"Tesis ini berangkat dari hipotesis penulis bahwa ruang politik Uni Eropa memfasilitasi Greenpeace untuk dapat menekan industri minyak kelapa sawit Indonesia. Tesis ini menganalisis strategi Greenpeace dalam menekan industri minyak kelapa sawit Indonesia melalui Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dengan metode studi pustaka. Analisis kajian tesis ini menggunakan penggabungan konsep transnasional advocacy networks (1998) dan konsep kesempatan politik Dellmuth dan Bloodgood (2019). Berdasarkan konsep konsep transnasional advocacy networks (1998), ada empat taktik politik. Dari keempat taktik politik, Greenpeace hanya menggunakan dua taktik politik untuk mempengaruhi Uni Eropa, yaitu taktik politik pengaruh dan akuntabilitas. Kedua taktik ini bisa dikatakan secara tidak langsung dapat dimanfaatkan Greenpeace untuk menekan industri minyak kelapa sawit. Kendati demikian, kedua taktik tersebut memiliki pengaruh terbatas kepada kebijakan Uni Eropa. Salah satu penyebab terbatasnya pengaruh Greenpeace adalah lambannya pembuatan rencana aksi Uni Eropa dalam melakukan komitmen global. Sementara itu, konsep kesempatan politik menjelaskan bahwa pengaruh politik Uni Eropa terbatas. Keterbatasan pengaruh disebabkan sempitnya ruang politik dari dalam institusi, koalisi organisasi non pemerintah dalam tidak menunjukkan peranan penting dan kompleksitas isu yang disebabkan oleh tidak realistisnya komitmen Uni Eropa. Dengan demikian, Greenpeace tidak dapat menggunakan Uni Eropa sebagai tekanan terhadap industri minyak kelapa sawit.

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This thesis is based on hypothesis that European Union facilitates political space for Greenpeace in order to be able press the palm oil industry. This thesis analyzes the strategy of Greenpeace in pressing Indonesian palm oil industry through European Union. This qualitative research used literature research regarding palm oil and objects of analysis. Theoretical framework that uses in this research is combination between transnational advocacy networks concept (1998) and political opportunity (2019) concept. Based on transnational advocacy network concept (1998), there are four political tactics which are used by Greenpeace in running the palm oil campaign. Four political tactics are information, symbolic, leverage and accountability. From four political tactics, Greenpeace only uses two political tactics to influence European Union, namely leverage political tactic and accountability political tactic. It can be said that the two political tactics are used indirectly to press palm oil industry by Greenpeace. However, Greenpeace’s influence to European Union policy is limited. One of the reason is the slow progress of European Union in doing global commitment. Meanwhile, political opportunity concept explain that limitation caused by the narrow political space inside European Institution. Besides that, coalition between Greenpeace and other organization non-governments had not shown significant role in influencing European Union policy. The complexity of this issue also limits Greenpeace’s influence on the European Union."

"The paper brings together several strands of debate and deliberation in which I have been involved since the early 2000s on the definition of Southeast Asia and the rationale of Southeast Asian Studies. I refer to the relationship between area studies and methodologies as a conundrum (or puzzle), though I should state from the outset that I think it is much more of a conundrum for others than for me. I have not felt the need to pose the question of whether or not area studies generates a distinctive method or set of methods and research practices, because I operate from a disciplinary perspective; though that it is not to say that the question should not be posed. Indeed, as I have earned a reputation for “revisionism” and championing disciplinary approaches rather than regional ones, it might be anticipated already the position that I take in an examination of the relationships between methodologies and the practice of “area studies” (and in this case Southeast Asian [or Asian] Studies). Nevertheless, given the recent resurgence of interest in the possibilities provided by the adoption of regional perspectives and the grounding of data gathering and analysis within specified locations in the context of globalization, the issues raised for researchers working in Southeast Asia and within the field of Southeast Asian Studies require revisiting."