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"This book discusses affirmative action or positive discrimination, defined as measures awarding privileges to certain groups that have historically suffered discrimination or have been underrepresented in specific social sectors. The book?s underlying rationale is that one cannot place at the same starting point people who have been treated differently in the past because in this way one merely perpetuates a state of difference and, in turn, social gaps are exaggerated and social cohesion is endangered. Starting out with an introduction on the meaning and typology of affirmative action policies, the book goes on to emphasise the interaction of affirmative action with traditional values of liberal state, such as equality, meritocracy, democracy, justice, liberalism and socialism. It reveals the affirmative action goals from a legal and sociological point of view, examining the remedial, cultural, societal, pedagogical and economy purposes of such action. After applying an institutional narrative of the implementation of affirmative action worldwide, the book explains the jurisprudence on the issue through syntheses and antitheses of structural and material variables, such as the institutional recognition of the policies, the domains of their implementation and their beneficiaries. The book eventually makes an analytical impact assessment following the implementation of affirmative action plans and the judicial response, especially in relation to the conventional human rights doctrine, by establishing a liaison between affirmative action and social and group rights.. The book applies a multi-disciplinary and comparative methodology in order to assess the ethical standing of affirmative action policies, the public interests involved and their effectiveness towards actual equality. In the light of the above analysis, the monograph explains the arguments considering affirmative action as a theology for substantive equality and the arguments treating this policy as anathema for liberalism. A universal discussion currently at its peak."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang rendahnya tingkat keterwakilan perempuan dalam parlemen, penyebabnya, implikasinya, dan upaya pemerintah dalam mengatasinya. Sebagaimana kita ketahui bahwa lebih dari setengah penduduk Indonesia adalah perempuan, namun mereka tidak memiliki wakil yang proporsional di parlemen. Kondisi ini disebabkan oleh hambatan-hambatan struktural maupun kultural yang menghambat akses perempuan terhadap dunia politik. Kesadaran tentang arti penting perempuan di parlemen telah mulai dibangun melalui kebijakan afirmasi dengan sistem kuota. Melalui kebijakan ini diharapkan partisipasi aktif dari perempuan, sehingga akan didapat keterwakilan yang memadai di parlemen. Namun, dinamika ketatanegaraan yang terjadi kerap kali kontradiktif dengan cita-cita keterwakilan proporsional perempuan. Hasilnya, angka minimal 30% yang ingin dicapai melalui kebijakan afirmasi tidak tercapai dan hanya mampu meraih 18%. Meski tidak dapat dipungkiri, bahwa tercapainya keterwakilan yang proporsional tidak hanya bicara aturan semata tetapi juga kesadaran dan keinginan penuh dari kaum perempuan itu sendiri. Untuk itu, kebijakan afirmasi ini harus diaplikasikan dari hulu ke hilir. Mulai dari pendidikan politik bagi kaum perempuan, pembangunan kesadaran partai politik akan arti penting partisipasi perempuan, sampai dengan jaminan hukum terhadapnya.

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This thesis discusses about the low level of women representation in parliament, causes, implications, and government efforts to overcome them. As we know that more than half of Indonesia's population are women, but they do not have a proportional representative in parliament. This condition is caused by structural and cultural barriers that hinder women's access to politics. Awareness about the importance of women in parliament has begun to be built through affirmative policies with quota systems. This policy is expected to increase active participation of women, so it will get adequate representation in parliament. However, the dynamics of state administration shows in contradiction with the ideals of proportional representation of women. The result, at least 30% figure to be achieved through a policy of affirmation is not reached and only able to reach 18%. Although it is undeniable, that the achievement of proportional representation not only talk about rules but also full consciousness and the appetency of women themselves. Therefore, this affirmation policy should be applied from upstream to downstream. Starting from the political education for women, building awareness of political party about the importance of women political participation, until the legal guarantees against it."

"Penelitian ini membahas perkembangan pengaturan tindakan afirmasi untuk meningkatkan keterwakilan perempuan pada DPR RI dan bagaimana pelaksanaan pengaturan tersebut sejak awal tindakan afirmasi diterapkan pada tahun 2004, hingga terakhir kali tindakan afirmasi untuk DPR diterapkan, yaitu pada tahun 2014. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan sejarah hukum. Pembahasan dimulai dengan menganalisis tindakan afirmasi pada Undang-Undang Partai Politik, Undang-Undang Pemilihan Umum Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, dan Undang-Undang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Selain itu penelitian ini akan membahas pelaksanaan undang-undang tersebut dengan menganalisis peraturan pelaksanaannya. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat dua bentuk tindakan afirmasi untuk perempuan masuk ke dalam DPR RI, yaitu melalui kuota partai politik dan kuota pada proses pencalonan legislatif. Setiap periode pengisian jabatan DPR, peraturan mengenai tindakan afirmasi perempuan tersebut selalu berubah. Namun dengan adanya perubahan-perubahan tersebut, belum menghasilkan peningkatan keterwakilan perempuan yang signifikan di DPR RI.

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This research discusses about the development of affirmative action regulations in the increase of women's representation in the House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat/DPR) of Republic of Indonesia and how the implementation of the regulations since the beginning of affirmative action was applied from 2004 until the last time affirmative action for DPR was implemented in 2014. The research method used is normative juridical with a legal history approach. The discussion begins by analyzing the affirmative action on the Acts of Political Parties, the Acts of the Election for Members of DPR, the Regional Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah/DPD) and the Local People’s Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah/DPRD), and the Acts of Representatives Council Institutions. In addition, this research will also discuss about the implementation of the regulations by analyzing the implementative regulations. The results of the research show that there are two forms of affirmative action for women to enter DPR, i.e.: through quotas of political parties and quotas in the process of legislative candidacy. In every period of DPR, the regulations on women's affirmative actions have been continuesly changing. However, with those changes, the regulations have not succeeded to increase women's representation in DPR significantly."

"Kebijakan afirmasi pendidikan tinggi merupakan upaya untuk mewujudkan pendidikan yang inklusif. APK pendidikan tinggi menjadi indikator 4.3.1(a) SDGs. Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2012 tentang Pendidikan Tinggi mengamanatkan perhatian khusus bagi kelompok afirmasi. Lebih lanjut Permendikbud No.27 Tahun 2018 tentang Afirmasi Pendidikan Tinggi semakin memperkuat implementasi dari kebijakan afirmasi pendidikan tinggi. Namun terdapat permasalahan seperti kesenjangan capaian APK Indonesia dengan negara ASEAN, capaian APK nasional yang belum sesuai target SDGs, dan kesenjangan APK antar daerah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh dari kebijakan afirmasi terhadap akses pendidikan tinggi di Indonesia tahun 2018-2022. Penelitian ini menguji 550 observasi dari 110 kabupaten/kota yang selalu menerima beasiswa ADik selama tahun 2018-2022. Data panel diestimasi menggunakan twoways fixed effect model dengan turut mengontrol beberapa karakteristik mencakup intervensi pendidikan lainnya, perguruan tinggi, fasilitas/infrastruktur, sosial-demografi, dan ekonomi. Hasil pengujian menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan afirmasi dalam bentuk beasiswa afirmasi pendidikan tinggi (ADik) baik secara total maupun proporsional, berpengaruh signifikan positif terhadap APK. Pada pengujian subsample, ADik menunjukkan pengaruh signifikan positif pada wilayah 3T namun tidak signifikan pada wilayah Papua. Lebih lanjut ADik konsisten menunjukkan pengaruh signifikan positif pada wilayah Papua 3T.

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The affirmative policy on higher education is an effort to promote inclusive education. The gross enrollment ratio (APK) of higher education is an indicator 4.3.1(a) of SDGs. Law No. 12 of 2012 on Higher Education mandates special attention for affirmative groups. Furthermore, the Ministerial Regulation of Education and Culture No. 27 of 2018 on Affirmative Higher Education strengthens the implementation of the affirmative policy of higher education. However, challenges remain, as there is a gap between the APK of Indonesia and other ASEAN countries, the national APK has not met the SDGs target, and there is a gap in APK among regions in Indonesia. This study aims to determine the relationship between affirmative scholarship (ADik) and access to higher education in Indonesia in 2018-2022. This study applies 550 observations from 110 districts/cities that always received ADik scholarships during 2018-2022. Panel data is used with a two-way fixed effect regression model by employing several characteristics as control variables, including other policy interventions, number of universities, facilities/infrastructure, socio-demographics, and economy. The results show that the affirmative scholarships (ADik), both in total and proportionally, have a significant positive effect on the APK of higher education. Moreover, ADik has a significant positive effect in almost all the underdeveloped, frontier, and outermost regions (3T regions) but has no significant effect in Papua as a whole. ADik has a significant positive effect in the Papua regions that are categorized as the 3T regions."

""Provides a timely and richly revealing portrait of a powerful cinematic genre that has increasingly come to dominate the American cinematic landscape"--"

"ABSTRAKProgram "Affirmative Action" merupakan suatu komitmen antara suatu perusahaan, sekolah, atau institusi lainnya untuk memberikan kesempatan yang lebih luas terhadap kaum wanita, orang kulit hitam, kaum Hispanics, dan kelompok minoritas lainnya, dengan tujuan untuk memperbaiki akibat-akibat dan perlakuan diskriminasi terhadap mereka dimasa lampau. Dalam pelaksanaanya program ini sering mendapatkan reaksi negatif terutama dari laki-laki kulit putih (WASPs Male). Mereka justru menganggap bahwa program tersebut hanya membuat ketidakadilan, dan memberikan keuntungan kepada kelompok minoritas belaka. Hal ini yang akhirnya menimbulkan "reverse discrimination" dimana dalam usaha memberantas diskriminasi terhadap kaum minoritas, justru akhirnya menimbulkan diskriminasi baru terhadap seseorang atau sekelompok orang lainnya.Penulisan tesis ini bertujuan untuk menunjukkan mengapa program "affirmative action" ini dapat menimbulkan "reverse discrimination" bagi masyarakat Amerika dan juga untuk menunjukkan mengapa "reverse discrimination" tersebut sulit dihilangkan.Timbulnya kasus-kasus "reverse discrimination" memperlihatkan bahwa telah terjadi pertentangan diantara nilai-nilai budaya baik pertentangan antara nilai "equalitiy" yang terkandung dalam program "affirmative action" itu sendiri, yaitu "equality of opportunity" dengan "equality of outcome", maupun antara nilai "equality of outcome" dengan nilai-nilai budaya masyarakat Amerika lainnya. Pemerintah Amerika telah menyadari bahwa kebijakan program "affirmative action" tidak selamanya sempurna, "review" terhadap program tersebut terus dilakukan dengan harapan suatu saat "reverse discrimination" bisa menghilang dan program "affirmative action" akan dihapuskan seiring dengan hilangnya praktek diskriminasi di Amerika. Namun hal ini berjalan cukup lamban, dikarenakan kesadaran masyarakat Amerika sendiri khususnya dari kelompok WASPs terhadap perlakuan diskriminasi masih sangat rendah.Tesis ini menggunakan sumber kepustakaan, dan dalam pengkajiannya menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Disamping itu kajian ilmu sosial dan budaya juga digunakan dalam memahami berbagai aspek yang terkaitdalam permasalahan yang dikaji.

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ABSTRACT

Affirmative action program is a commitment among enterprises, schools, other institutions to give greater opportunities to women, blacks, Hispanics, and other minority groups in order to improve the effects of former discrimination. In its implementation, the program frequently got negative reaction especially from WASPs males. They suppose that the program has been done unfair which gives advantages to those minority groups only. Finally, this case creates reverse discrimination, a new discrimination which appears to a person or groups of people as an effect of the effort in order to fight other discrimination.

The objectives of this thesis are focused on why the program of affirmative action can cause reverse discrimination and also to indicate why it is hard to be abolished. The emerges of reverse discrimination cases show that there has been conflicts among the cultural values. Either the conflicts of equality values that implies in affirmative action program itself., the equality of opportunity and the equality of outcome, and also the value of equality of outcome with the other cultural values of American societies.

The United States has realized that the policy of affirmative action program is not fully perfect. The review-of the affirmative action program has been conducted in the hope that the reverse discrimination will be abolished in the future, and the affirmative action program will be abolished by the same time the practices of discrimination eliminated in United States. Nevertheless, the implementation works very slowly due to the positive consciousness of Americans especially the WASPs towards the discrimination is still weak.

This thesis uses the library resources and its research utilizes the qualitative approach. Besides the studies of social and culture are also utilized in order to interpret all related aspects in the case study."

"Fokus dari penulisan karya tulis ini adalah untuk memperlihatkan peran Super PACs yang merupakan model komite atau organisasi pendanaan kampanye, dapat menimbulkan ketidaksetaraan politik antar warga, khususnya pada saat pemilihan presiden tahun 2012. Super PACs yang tidak memiliki batasan di dalam menerima serta membiayai kampanye dapat menjadi instrumen bagi pihak dengan dengan kekuatan ekonomi besar untuk mentransformasi kekuatan ekonominya menjadi kekuatan politik secara lebih leluasa. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif untuk menganalisa mengenai bagaimana Super PACs menimbulkan ketidaksetaraan politik antar warga pada Pemilihan Presiden Amerika Serikat Tahun 2012. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa pihak-pihak dengan kekuatan ekonomi kuat menggunakan Super PACs sebagai instrumen untuk mengubah kekuatan ekonominya menjadi kekuatan politik yang terlihat pada pendanaan Super PACs yang dimotori oleh kontribusi dana dari para pendonor besar. Namun penelitian ini juga menemukan bahwa Super PACs tidak dapat membeli pemilihan. Independensi dan kebebasan serta kekuatan agregatif politik dan ekonomi warga pada saat pemilihan, mampu untuk meminimalisir ketidaksetaraan akibat perbedaan kekuatan ekonomi dan politik.

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This paper focuses on the role of Super PACs, which is a model of campaign finance committees, may lead to political inequality between the citizens, especially during the 2012 presidential election. Super PACs that do not have any restriction on receiving and funding a campaign can be an instrument for the people with a big economic power to transform their economic power into political power more freely. This study uses qualitative methods to analyze about how Super PACs pose political inequality between the citizens during The 2012 United States Presidential Election.

This study found that the people with a big economic power using Super PACs as an instrument to transform their economic power into political power, which can be seen by looking on how Super PACs funding, led by a big donors. However, this study also found that Super PACs couldn't buy the election. Independency and freedom, as well as political and economic power of the citizens aggregated in the election, able to minimize the inequality due to differences in economic and political power."