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"Korupsi merupakan praktik konkrit pertahanan kekayaan dari hubungan kuasa politik dan material, dan dapat terjadi karena adanya dominasi oleh pemilik kekuasaan minoritas atau disebut oligarki. Winters (2011) memberikan definisi Oligarki sebagai sebuah sistem yang merujuk pada politik pertahanan kekayaan oleh pelaku yang memiliki kekayaan material. Argumen tesis tersebut diperlihatkan dengan menganalisa oligarki pada jejaring korupsi pembangunan PLTU Mulut Tambang Riau-1 dengan kerangka teori dari Winters (2011). Dalam mengumpulkan data, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan cara mengumpulkan data primer melalui wawancara mendalam (daring dan luring) dan triangulasi dengan data sekunder malalui kajian literatur. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Korupsi ini terjadi dikarenakan adanya konsentrasi material yang ditopang oleh kekuasaan politik yang mampu mengubah kebijakan dan menciptakan struktur informal. Dalam kasus ini jejaring penyokong oligarki mempengaruhi proses maupun hasil dari kebijakan pemerintah dan birokrasi, jaringan korupsi tersebut mematahkan integritas pejabat publik sehingga kerja pemerintah menjadi bagian dari politik praktis yang mendapat tekanan kepentingan elite politik. Dengan demikian, hubungan oligarkis politik dan bisnis menciptakan dominasi kekuasaan dan menggunakannya sebagai alat pertahanan kekayaan.

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Corruption is an actual practice of defending wealth as the outcome of the political and material power relations; it occurs because of the dominance of the minority power called the oligarchy, defined as a system that refers to the politics of wealth defence by actors who have material wealth (Winters 2011). Utilizing Winters’ theory of oligarchy, this thesis argument is explained through analyzing the corruption networks in the Coal Power Plant Project of Mulut Tambang Riau-1 in 2018 among the networks of business and politicians who became the oligarchs. In collecting data, this study used the qualitative methods, by collecting primary data through in-depth interviews (online and offline) and triangulated these data with the secondary data obtained through literature review. The research findings indicate that the corruption occurs due to the concentration of material which is supported by political power who has the ability to change policies and creating informal structures as the environment for doing the corruption. This case study shows that the network that supporting the oligarchy influences the process and the result of government policies as well as the bureaucracy. Moreover, the deprivation of the public officials’ integrity has been the result of the corruption network which make the policies issued by the government are overpowered by the interests of the political elites. The oligarchic relations of politics and business, therefore, creates the domination of power and uses it as a means of wealth defence."

"Penelitian ini membahas tentang perkembangan oligarki di Provinsi Banten. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui latar belakang, penyebab, tahap-tahap, dan bentuk oligarki di Provinsi Banten. Penelitian ini berupaya memaparkan kaitan antara kondisi sosial, ekonomi, dan budaya Banten dengan kemunculan oligarki di Banten. Lebih dalam lagi, penelitian ini akan memaparkan bentuk, struktur, dan sifat oligarki di Provinsi Banten. Pertanyaan pokok dalam penelitian ini adalah, bagaimana proses terbentuknya oligarki di provinsi Banten? Dengan sub-sub pertanyaan, pertama, apa latar belakang dan penyebab terbentuknya oligarki di Provinsi Banten? Kedua, bagaimana fase-fase atau tahapan terbentuknya oligarki di Provinsi Banten? Ketiga, bagaimana bentuk oligarki di Provinsi Banten? Teori utama yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori "Oligarki", dengan teori pendukung yaitu teori "Modal Sosial", teori "Elite Tradisional-Patrimonial", teori "Hubungan Negara dan Masyarakat", dan teori "Rent Seeking Economy". Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif analitis untuk menganalisis data-data yang diperoleh. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi pustaka, observasi, dan wawancara mendalam dengan 19 informan; aktifis, pelaku usaha, tokoh jawara, dan akademisi. Temuan penelitian ini adalah semakin kuatnya oligarki sultanistik di Provinsi Banten dengan Tb. Chasan Sochib (kemudian digantikan putranya, Tb. Chaeri Wardana) sebagai oligark tertinggi. Beberapa oligark baru yang kuat telah muncul namun masih dalam kendali Tb. Chaeri Wardana. Implikasi teoritis dari penelitian ini mendukung dan menguatkan teori oligarki yang dikemukakan oleh Jeffrey Winters, terutama mengenai bentuk dan sifat-sifat oligarki sultanistik. Faktor utama penyebab terbentuknya oligarki di Banten menguatkan teori hubungan negara dan masyarakat. Dinamika internal oligarki mendukung teori-teori modal sosial dan elite tradisionalpatrimonial. Sedangkan aktivitas utama oligarki di Banten menguatkan teori rent-seeking. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa demokrasi elektoral pasca Orde Baru di Banten telah didominasi oleh oligark. Oligark terkuat di Banten adalah Tb. Chasan Sochib yang dominasi oligarkisnya berkembang dalam 3 fase, yaitu, pertama, Fase Jawara-Kontraktor (1967- 2001), kedua, Fase Konsolidasi Oligarki (2001-2006), ketiga, Fase Keluarga (2006 hingga sekarang). Bentuk oligarki di Banten saat ini adalah oligarki sultanistik dimana Tb. Chaeri Wardana menjadi figur utama. Oligark-oligark lain tunduk dan dilindungi oleh Tb. Chaeri Wardana. Pertahanan kekayaan dikelola oleh Tb. Chaeri Wardana untuk para oligark. Aktivitas utama oligarki sultanistik di Banten adalah rent seeking terhadap proyek-proyek APBD.

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The research focuses on the development of oligarchy in the Province of Banten. The objectives of the research are identifying background, cause, steps and forms of oligarchy in the Province of Banten. The research attempts to expose the relations between social, economical, and cultural aspects of the Province of Banten and the emergence of oligarchy. Furthermore, it exposes form, structure, and characteristic of oligarchy in the Province of Banten. The fundamental question of this research is: how was the oligarchy in the Province of Banten established? The fundamental question can be divided into three sub questions: first, what was the background and causes for the establishment of the oligarchy? Second, what was the step of the establishment of the oligarchy? Third, what is the form of the oligarchy?

The research uses theory of oligarchy as its main theory, supported by 4 other theories i.e. the theory of social capital, the theory on patrimonial-traditional elite, the theory of state-society relationship, and the theory on rent-seeking economy. The research uses qualitative approach with analytical descriptive method. Data were collected through literature, observations, and in depth interview with 19 informants; activists, businessmen, jawaras, and academicians.

The findings of this research is the more powerful of Sultanistic Oligarchy in Banten Province with Tb. Chasan Sochib (later replaced by his son, Tb. Chaeri Wardana) as the supreme oligarch. Some powerful new oligarch have emerged but still under Tb. Chaeri Wardana's control. Theoretical implications of this research have supported and strengthened the theory of oligarchy proposed by Jeffrey Winters, especially on the forms and characteristics of Sultanistic Oligarchy. The main factors causing formation of oligarchy in Banten have strengthened the theory of statesociety relationship. Internal dynamics of the oligarchy have supported the theories of social capital and patrimonial-traditional elite. While the main activity of oligarchy in Banten has strengthened the theory on rent-seeking economy.

The Result shows that the post-New Order's electoral democracy in the Province of Banten has been dominated by oligarchs. Tb. Chasan Sochib is the strongest oligarch dominating oligarchs in three phase of development: first, jawara-contractor phase (1967-2001), second, oligarchy consolidation phase (2001-2006), and third, family phase (2006 until present).The present form of oligarchy in Banten is Sultanistic Oligarchy where Tb. Chaeri Wardana becomes the main figure. Other oligarchs follow to and are protected by Tb. Chaeri Wardana. Wealth defense is managed by Tb. Chaeri Wardana for other oligarchs. The main activities of sultanistic oligarchy in the Province of Banten is rent-seeking of state budgeted projects."

"ABSTRACTThe political commitment of the highest political leader in a country is the key to the success and failure of an anti-corruption institution body. In the first era of President Joko Widodo's leadership, the KPK faced a roller coaster of the agenda of eradication corruption. Various threats that present uncertainty about the future of the KPK has been carried out by external and internal forces of the KPK. This had a significant impact on the effectiveness of the KPK anti-corruption engine. This article tries to explain and evaluate the quality of President Joko Widodo's first-period government support (2014-2019) to the KPK and how it impacts on the continuation of the anti-corruption agenda in Indonesia. This article concludes that economic development targets that require socio-political stability make anti-corruption work is less adequately addressed. As a result, the Corruption Eradication Commission was hit by a counterattack from various political-business interest groups. Responding to the situation, President Joko Widodo chose to play it safe and did not show a precise alignment on the KPK. In this period also, there was no visible cooperation that took root and made the eradication and prevention of corruption as the main agenda that was systematic and sustainable."

"Penelitian ini berusaha menganalisis bagaimana bentuk dan pengaruh kebijakan negara pasca-perubahan politik yang terjadi di Rusia dan Ukraina pada karakteristik oligarki yang ada di kedua negara. Adapun keberadaan oligarki yang ada di Rusia dan Ukraina sejak 1990-an, sering dianggap negatif oleh masyarakat, karena dianggap menimbulkan kesenjangan sosial, berusaha menguasai negara demi kepentingan pribadi (state capture), melanggengkan praktik korupsi, dan masih banyak lagi. Relasi oligarki dengan negara pun memiliki dinamikanya tersendiri, seperti lewat perubahan politik yang terjadi di Rusia dan Ukraina. Perubahan tersebut menjadi peluang bagi pemerintahan baru untuk menata ulang relasi negara dan oligarki, sehingga mampu memengaruhi karakteristik oligarki yang ada. Untuk mengkaji lebih dalam topik penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan teori oligarki yang dikemukakan oleh Jeffrey Winters (2011). Sementara itu, metode penelitian yang digunakan pada penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan pengumpulan data dilakukan lewat studi pustaka. Berdasarkan hasil temuan, dapat dilihat bahwa kebijakan negara pasca-perubahan politik menemui hasil yang berbeda di Rusia dan Ukraina. Di Rusia, kebijakan negara berupa penindakan oligark yang membangkang berhasil mengubah karakteristik oligarki. Sedangkan Ukraina dengan upayanya menerapkan reformasi hukum maupun konsentrasi kekuasaan di tangan kepresidenan, cenderung gagal memengaruhi perilaku oligarki yang ada.

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This research attempts to analyze the forms and effects of governmental (or state) policy after the political changes in Russia and Ukraine on the characteristics of the oligarchs that exist in both countries. Oligarchies has existed in Russia and Ukraine since the 1990s, but people often perceive them negatively, because they are seen as creating social inequality, attempting to capture the state, perpetuating corrupt practices, and many more. With the political changes in Russia and Ukraine, the dynamics of the oligarchy-state relationship have also changed. New governments' policies and actions have influenced or changed the characteristics of the existing oligarchy. This research uses the theory and typology of oligarchy proposed by Jeffrey Winters (2011) as the primary analytical framework to explain these dynamics of change. In addition, this research used the qualitative method, with data collection carried out through a literature study. Based on these findings, this paper concluded that the state policy towards the oligarchy in Russia and Ukraine, adopted after political changes, had different results. In Russia, the state policy of eliminating unruly oligarchs succeeded in changing the characteristics of the oligarchy. Meanwhile, in Ukraine, many policies (such as implementing various reforms or consolidating power in the hands of the presidency) failed to change the characteristics of the oligarchy."