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"This paper deals with the regional partition which do not always take place due to the considerations as commonly stated in official explanations, and also it does not like the outcome of the scientific analysis on the interests of local elites in efforts to devide regions for seizing local power in the new regions. In addition, this paper also shows that ethnic politics is often interwined with the region partitions. The local elite politically quite often to put forward ethnicity and identity loyalties as a political resources for demanding the regional division. Ethnic identity and the usage of collective ethnic identity as a never lasting prime mover. These can be politically seen from ethnic Pakpak behaviors in encountering ethnic Batak Toba in their own territory regarding the establishment of Great Pakpak province."

"This article examines the dynamic of poor women identities in Boyolali through their knowledge on needs, ways to meet needs, means of expressing interest, and how local leaders facilitating aspirations of the poor. There is knowledge diversity and pattern of political action among the women in encountering poverty-related hardship in the daily lives. This study emphasizes the need to understand diversity of poor women to elaborate women, household and the poverty issues."

"Berbagai bentuk karya (seni) yang merupakan ekspresi dapat diperlakukan sebagai identitas atau 'identitas' (baca:representasi), karena dua hal. Pertama, para peneliti berhasil memasuki kandungan mental seniman yang melahirkan karya-karya otentik, seperti misalnya penelitian Kenneth George tentang kaligrafi Pirous. Kedua, proses pemaknaan suatu karya (seni) dianggap cukup penting sehingga pada gilirannya karya itu dapat menjadi ajang kontestasi untuk bisa menjadi representasi identitas. Contoh dari proses pemaknaan ekspresi seni itu, sangat jelas pada kajian Jennifer Santos tentang kerajinan tangan masyarakat desa Tegallalang, Bali, juga Juliana Wijaya tentang alih kode dalam tuturan dan Tito Imanda tentang Si Unyil anak Indonesia. Seperti telah dikatakan sebelumnya, makna suatu ekspresi maupun proses pemaknaannya sangat tergantung pada berbagai konteks di mana karya itu diekspresikan. Karya seniman seperti lukisan, teater, tari, seni kerajinan dan berbagai bentuk karya lain seperti film, surat kabar dan narasi, mempunyai makna yang lahir karena pengaruh persentuhan kebudayaan. Persentuhan satu kebudayaan dengan kebudayaan lain, satu kebudayaan lokal dengan kebudayaan nasional atau dengan kebudayaan masyarakat global.""

"The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election."

"Using Roland Barthes's semiotics as a tool of analysis, this article intends to find out the implications made by Disney's changes on this story of Chinese women and people in general. Barthes's multilevel semiotics shows how the same medium-the animation Mulan-could be viewed from different perspectives. Disney claimed that Mulan is a message on women's heroism. This is based on Disney's convictions that Mulan is an animation produced with "respect to women and non-Western peoples." Through feminist frame of thought and knowledge of the differences between the original Chinese and the Disney version, women experienced multilayered subordinations in the animation. The first subordination against women occurs when a person is born as a girl. Based on myths, society gives a set of characterizations to women, called the feminine character. The character is used as the basis to subordinate women and repress them. The next subordination against women occurs when the feminine character, having been applied to women for as long as they live (and taken for granted), is applied to a certain thing, person or group. Thus, whatever is regarded as having the feminine characteristics are placed in a subordinate position, and thus experience repression. Using the ethnographic approach, the writer finds that the viewers of Mulan could be categorized into three groups based on their meaning of Mulan: the "lover" group, the "ironists" group, and the "hater" group."

"The article focuses on the role of Indonesian of Arab descents in local politics, particularly in two provinces in Outer Islands, East Kalimantan and West Nusa Tenggara. While much have been researched on the role of Arab descents in national Politics such as studies by Hamid Algadri and Bisri Affendy, little is known about their roles in local politics. In East Kalimantan, Indonesian of Arab descents have played political roles up to the level of Vice Governor and other important positions, as far back as the Sultanates period in the 1950s. Similar important political role have also occurred in West Nusa Tenggara where Indonesian of Arab descents were the Chairman of Local Parliament (DPRD) and Assistant to the Governors, both in the1950s and 1960s. The important roles that have been played by Indonesians of Arab descents are made possible by their "local assimilation" to the local indigenous communities, both trough intermarriages; common living in the same residential areas; common Islamic beliefs and their integration into Indonesian political system after dissolution of Indonesian party of Arab descent (PAI) in the 1930s which have differentiated them from the political history of Indonesian of Chinese descent (peranakan Tionghoa)."

"Based on data from fieldwork in Flores, this article suggests an indigenous form of tolerance and suppleness as the model for a new form of multiculturalism in Indonesia. Many studies of nationalism have criticized the perspective that developing nation-states need 'strong nationalism. However, if we step out of this hegemonic preoccupation, we come to realize that the relevant question is not how Indonesia can keep its unity but on what conditions Indonesia can function well as a politico-economic system, keeping diverse areas incorporated in the post-modern and global contexts at present and in the future. In Flores, people have been traversing real and imagined borders since the time of the Austronesian migration and the age of Southeast Asian maritime commerce. Even after independence, Flores has had direct transnational linkage through the Catholic network and recently quite a few Catholic priests and candidates from Flores have been sent abroad. Due to the development of global capitalism, many people from mountainous areas in central Flores also go to Malaysia as low-paid labourers, and they accommodate well to the new situations. As illegal labourers, Florenese people develop social ties with the people whom they meet overseas. Even when they are arrested and forced to come home from Malaysia, they are never stigmatized in their home village. I would like to name tentatively this principle of social adaptability and political flexibility, which also orders life in Florenese villages, 'Austronesian cosmopolitanism'. I further suggest that this Austronesian principle of political flexibility could prove a useful model for the Indonesian nation-state as it struggles to adopt a new political model that prevents the escalation of retaliatory violence and allows the country to continue as a politico-economic unit."

"The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election.The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election."