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"Dengan telah berakhirnya pelaksanaan SU-MPR 1983 berarti telah genap 12 tahun usia pemerintahan Orde Baru di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Soeharto. Perkembangan politik sampai saat itu sudah tentu diwarnai oleh kebijaksanaan-kebijaksanaan politik yang dibuat oleh pemerintah Orde Baru. Termasuk di dalamnya hal-hal yang menyangkut proses pembuatan keputusan tertinggi menurut konstitusi UUD 1945, yakni struktur dan mekanisme politik pada MPR-RI sebagai lembaga tertinggi negara. Hal ini mencakup sisten perwakilan dan juga struktur kekuatan politik yang dikembangkan sejak tahun 1966. Bagaimana proses pembuatan keputusan dalam SU-MPR 1983 sangat ditentukan oleh interaksi di antara kekuatan-kekuatan politik yang diakui peranannya. Melalui usaha memahami bentuk interaksi yang mewarnai SU-MPR 1983 tersebut, maka setidak-tidaknya dapat dilihat bagaimana perubahan struktur kekuatan politik yang diperkenalkan oleh pemerintah Orde Orde Baru dalam kebijaksanaan-kebijaksanaan politiknya. Sejalan dengan itu saka tujuan penulisan ini adalah untuk melihat bagaimana interaksi kekuatan politik yang terjadi dalam SU-MPR 1983, sebagai pengejawantahan dari sisten perwakilan dan struktur kekuatan politik yang ada pada naat itu. Pada penelitian ini digunakan konsep sistem politik birokratis (bureaucratic polity). Konsep mana menyebutkan, bahwa di dalam sistem politik yang demikian unsur-unsur birokrasi pemerintah menainkan peranan dominan dalam setiap proses pembuatan keputusan. Konsep di atas dijabarkan dengan menjadikan distribusi sumber-sumber daya politik sebagai unit analisa. Untuk memperoleh informasi bagi pembahasan masalah ini dilakukan penelitian kepustakaan atas literatur-literatur tentang perkembangan lembaga MPR-RI serta dokumen-dokumen yang memuat data tentang proses berlangsungnya SU-MPR 1983. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa perubahan politik yang secara formal terlihat selama pemerintahan Orde Baru melahirkan suatu straktur politik di dalam mana penerintah berperan sebagai pusat serta sumber dari setiap aktivitas politik. Melalui peranan tersebut pemerintah Orde Baru melembagakan struktur kekuatan politik yang didominani oleh unsur-unsur birokrasi pemerintah (terutana ABRI). Dengan demikian pemerintah dapat secara efektif mewarnai serta melakukan kontrol terhadap setiap aktivitas politik. Dalan SU-MPR 1983, hal ini dimungkinkan karena penguasaan sumber daya politik dalam struktur dan mekanisme MPR-RI 1982-1987 berada pada kekuatan-kekuatan politik pеmerintah.

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With the end of the implementation of the 1983 SU-MPR, it means that the New Order government under the leadership of President Soeharto has completed 12 years. Political developments up to that time were of course determined by the political policies made by the New Order government. This includes matters that cover the highest decision-making process according to the 1945 Constitution, namely the political structure and mechanisms of the MPR-RI as the highest state institution. This includes the representative system and also the political power structure that has been developed since 1966. The decision-making process in the 1983 SU-MPR is largely determined by the interaction between political forces whose roles are recognized. Through efforts to understand the forms of interaction that characterized the 1983 SU-MPR, we can at least see how the changes in the political power structure introduced by The New Order in its political policies. In line with that, the aim of this writing is to see how the interaction of political forces occurred in the 1983 SU-MPR, as an embodiment of the representative system and political power structure that existed at that time. In this research, the concept of a bureaucratic political system (bureaucratic polity) is used. This concept states that in such a political system elements of the government bureaucracy play a dominant role in every decision-making process. The above concept is explained by making the distribution of political resources the unit of analysis. To obtain information for discussing this issue, literature research was carried out on literature on the development of the MPR-RI institution as well as documents containing data on the ongoing process of the 1983 SU-MPR. The results of this research show that the political changes that were formally visible during the New Order government gave birth to a political structure in which the government acted as the center and source of every political activity. Through this role, the New Order government institutionalized a political power structure dominated by elements of the government bureaucracy (especially ABRI). In this way, the government can effectively regulate and control every political activity. In the 1983 SU-MPR, this was possible because control of political resources in the structure and mechanisms of the 1982-1987 MPR-RI rested with the government's political forces.

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"In civic politics, many things have to be noted, but in condition that concern to national political leaders and government, have to be the objectives of the political leaders action and to get greater attention, and at the same time, they are requared to practice, constanly, the pattern ethical life. This has to be done, so that people feel not far from their leaders. Officials and local Politicians who obey the norms of the code of conduct should place their duties as government officials over their own interests, carrier and status. Mean while, poltical communication has to be conducted by officials and local politicians in order to interlace communication with local people, both in the context to maintain relationship, namely, to channel the aspirations and political interest of the people as political inputs and also to channel the output of political system, and to carry out government functions. This paper has the attention to discuss on the existence of DPRD through two perspectives: first, perspective of political/government ethics implementation and perspective of political communication."

"Skripsi ini mencoba untuk melihat pengaruh dari pembelian suara terhadap perilaku memilih pada masa pemilihan kepala daerah Kota Tangerang Selatan Tahun 2020. Dalam menjelaskan fenomena tersebut, digunakan konsep perilaku memilih rasional dan teori pembelian suara dari Edward Aspinall. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kuantitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data berupa survei dari rumah ke rumah dengan bantuan instrumen kuesioner. Sampel yang ditetapkan berjumlah 160 responden dengan tingkat kepercayaan sebesar 92,1 % dan Margin of Error sebesar 7,9 %. Untuk hasil dan pembahasan, ditemukan bahwa praktik pembelian suara di pilkada Kota Tangerang Selatan Tahun 2020 dilakukan melalui jaringan tim sukses yang dimiliki setiap pasangan calon. Selain itu, ditemukan juga bahwa jenis pemilih inti merupakan jenis pemilih yang paling banyak ditargetkan sebagai sasaran praktik pembelian suara. Dari 113 responden yang pernah ditawari pemberian barang, sebanyak 79 responden atau 69,9 % merupakan pemilih inti dan dari 71 responden yang pernah ditawari pemberian uang tunai, sebanyak 58 responden atau 81,7 % juga tergolong ke dalam pemilih inti. Selain pemberian dalam bentuk barang dan uang tunai, skripsi ini juga menemukan bahwa jenis barang seperti masker, faceshield dan handsanitizer menjadi instrumen baru dari setiap kandidat dalam menarik hati para pemilih. Pelaksanaan pilkada di tengah wabah pandemi covid-19 membuat maksud dari pemberian barang tersebut (masker, faceshield, handsanitizer) menjadi tersamarkan antara pemberian untuk bantuan kemanusiaan atau pemberian dalam rangka memikat hati para pemilih. Kemudian, data hasil survei juga menunjukkan bahwa praktik pembelian suara tetap terjadi pada masa pilkada Kota Tangerang Selatan Tahun 2020 yang dilaksanakan ditengah wabah pandemi covid-19. Terakhir, berdasarkan hasil uji korelasi dan regresi logistik diketahui bahwa tidak terdapat pengaruh antara pembelian suara dengan perilaku memilih masyarakat Kecamatan Pamulang pada pilkada Kota Tangerang Selatan Tahun 2020.

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This thesis aims to examine the influence of vote buying on voting behavior during the 2020 local elections for the head of South Tangerang City. In explaining this phenomenon, the concepts of rational voting behavior and the theory of vote buying by Edward Aspinall are utilized. The research method employed is quantitative, utilizing a survey conducted door-to-door with the assistance of a questionnaire instrument. The determined sample size is 160 respondents with a confidence level of 92,1 % and a Margin of Error of 7,9 %. Regarding the findings and discussion, it was discovered that the practice of vote buying in the 2020 South Tangerang City local elections was carried out through the campaign teams associated with each candidate. Additionally, it was found that core voters were the primary target of vote buying practices. Out of 113 respondents who were offered goods, 79 respondents or 69,9 % were core voters. Furthermore, out of 71 respondents who were offered cash, 58 respondents or 81,7 % were also classified as core voters. In addition to offering goods and cash, the thesis also identified that items such as masks, face shields and hand sanitizers became new instruments used by each candidate to attract voters. The conduct of regional elections amidst the Covid-19 pandemic has led to a conflation of the intended purpose behind distributing resources, causing ambiguity whether these items (masks, face shields and hand sanitizers) are intended for humanitarian aid or as a means to garner favor with voters. Moreover, survey data indicated that the practice of vote buying persisted during the 2020 South Tangerang City local elections which were held amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, based on the results of correlation and logistic regression tests, it was found that there was no significant influence between vote buying and the voting behavior of the Pamulang Subdistrict community in the 2020 South Tangerang City local elections."

"Fenomena politik etnis masih banyak terjadi di Indonesia sampai saat ini. Peristiwa mengenai politik etnis salah satunya terjadi pada pemilihan Gubernur DKI pada tahun 2017. Faktor etnisitas Ahok, yang saat itu menjadi salah satu calon kandidat, mendorong banyak oposisi di kalangan pemilih Muslim (Sumaktoyo, 2021). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui hubungan antara etnis pemilih dan resentment atas etnis Tionghoa-Indonesia terhadap perilaku memilih calon kandidat beretnis Tionghoa dan Jawa. Resentment disertakan dalam penelitian ini karena banyaknya sentimen anti-Tionghoa di Indonesia. Terdapat 168 responden dalam penelitian ini, dengan kriteria Berkewarganegaraan Indonesia, berdomisili di JABODETABEK, dan berumur 18 hingga 25 tahun. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya hubungan yang signifikan antara individu beretnis Tionghoa dibandingkan dengan etnis non-Tionghoa terhadap perilaku memilih calon kandidat dengan etnis Tionghoa. Signifikansi hubungan juga terlihat pada individu beretnis Jawa jika dibandingkan dengan etnis Tionghoa dan Sunda terhadap perilaku memilih calon kandidat beretnis Jawa. Selain itu, resentment mempunyai hubungan yang signifikan terhadap perilaku memilih calon kandidat beretnis Tionghoa (β=-0.509, p<0.05) dan perilaku memilih calon kandidat beretnis Jawa (β=0.589, p<0.05). Penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan pemahaman yang ekstensif mengenai hubungan etnis pemilih dan resentment terhadap perilaku memilih. Pengetahuan yang didapatkan dari penelitian ini juga diharapkan bisa memberikan konteks masalah politik di Indonesia yang masih rentan akan politik etnis.

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The phenomenon of ethnic politics still occurs in Indonesia to this day. One of the incidents regarding ethnic politics occurred during the election for Governor of DKI in 2017. The ethnicity factor of Ahok, who at that time was one of the prospective candidates, encouraged a lot of opposition among Muslim voters (Sumaktoyo, 2021). This research aims to determine the relationship between voter’s ethnicity and resentment for ethnic Chinese-Indonesians towards voting behavior for ethnic Chinese and Javanese candidates. Resentments were included in this research because of the large number of anti-Chinese sentiments in Indonesia. There were 168 respondents in this study, with the criteria being Indonesian citizenship, domiciled in JABODETABEK, and aged 18 to 25 years. The research results show that there is a significant relationship between individuals of Chinese ethnicity in comparison with non-Chinese ethnicity and their voting behavior for candidates with Chinese ethnicity. The significance of the relationship was also seen among individuals of Javanese ethnicity in comparison with Sundanese and Chinese ethnicity regarding their voting behavior for ethnic Javanese candidates. Apart from that, resentment has a significant relationship with the voting behavior for ethnic Chinese candidates (β=-0.509, p<0.05) and the voting behavior for ethnic Javanese candidates (β=0.589, p<0.05). This research is expected to provide an extensive understanding of the relationship between voter’s ethnicity and resentment on voting behavior. It is also hoped that the knowledge gained from this research can provide a context for political problems in Indonesia which is still vulnerable to ethnic politics."